The men that have been added to the initial list are those that do not at first appear Irish on the basis of their Medal of Honor records. These are men like Michael Ahern, from Queenstown, Co. Cork, who enlisted illegally aboard the USS Kearsarge prior to his act of gallantry in battle against the CSS Alabama. He is generally erroneously referred to as ‘Michael Aheam’ on Medal of Honor listings, with no place of birth recorded. Similarly, Nicholas Fox of the 28th Connecticut, who was awarded his medal for actions at Port Hudson, and for whom nativity is often not attributed, was from Co. Cork. (1)

Hugh Molloy, Irish-born Medal of Honor recipient (Deeds of Valor)

The majority of additions resulted from men who were listed as born in the United States but appear to have in fact been born in Ireland; recent research has shown that Martin McHugh, awarded the Medal of Honor for actions aboard the USS Cincinnati at Vicksburg, was born in Ireland and not Ohio as is most often cited. The majority of these cases seem to result from confusing the place of enlistment with the place of birth. John Lafferty (or Laverty) was one of the few men to be awarded the medal twice, once aboard the USS Wyalusing in the Roanoke River, North Carolina, and once aboard the USS Alaska while on service in Peru. His first citation lists his birth as New York, but the second citation shows that he was in fact from Co. Tyrone. Another two-time recipient, Patrick Mullen of the USS Wyandank and USS Don, is listed as having been born in Baltimore, Maryland for his first award, but is shown as being of Irish birth on his second. (2)

It is thanks to these and a number of other additions that the total number of known Irish birth currently stands at 143- although it seems probable there may well be more men to be added to this list. Some 1,527 Medal of Honor awards were made for service in the Civil War, so based on these figures Irish-born recipients account for almost 10% of the total. Interestingly 50 of the Irish-born recipients were sailors, highlighting an aspect of Irish service in the American Civil War that remains seriously understudied. It is also apparent the majority of awards went to Irish-born men who served in non-Irish units, as fewer than 20 recipients served in what might be termed ‘green-flag’ ethnic Irish regiments.

A number of these mens stories have already been explored on Irish in the American Civil War, and more will follow. I am also embarking on a more detailed study of the Irish-born recipients of the Medal of Honor during the American Civil War; if any readers have information on any of the specific men on the list, or suggestions as to additions or corrections, I would be very eager to hear from you.

*Names in italics represent naval vessels

*With thanks to John Fay for information regarding Martin McHugh and Brendan Hamilton for information on Nicholas Fox

(1) Congressional Medal of Honor Society, Broadwater 2007: 7, Marvel 1996: 204-5, Medal of Honor Winner Highlights Town’s Civil War Role; (2) Medal of Honor Recipient Found in Unmarked Grave, Owens 2004: 40, Deeds of Valor;

References & Further Reading

Beyer, Walter F. & Keydel, Oscar F. 1871. Deeds of Valor

Broadwater, Robert P. 2007. Civil War Medal of Honor Recipients

CommercialNews.Com 5th November 2011: Medal of Honor Recipient Found in Unmarked Grave

Congressional Medal of Honor Society

GreenwichTime.Com 12th April 2011: Medal of Honor Winner Highlights Town’s Civil War Role

Marvel, William 1996. The Alabama and the Kearsarge: The Sailor’s Civil War

Owens, Ron 2004. Medal of Honor: Historical Facts and Figures

American Civil War Recruitment Poster for The Phoenix Regiment (Civil War Treasures from the New York Historical Society, via Library of Congress)

In December 1854, as many as 30,000 Irishmen were embodied to form part of the Militia Regiments for the defence of the United Kingdom during the Crimean War. Many of these units were to remain in this state of embodiment until 1860, meaning that the men in these amateur regiments came to be seen as highly efficient soldiers, and this was particularly the case of the 2nd, North Tipperary Artillery Militia, who were even considered as suitable candidates for conversion to a professional artillery regiment. This was not to be the case and thus the majority of these Tipperary men went back to their locality, many, it would seem, in some frustration.

The unit’s ‘Digest of Service’ records that two years after the end of their embodiment, ‘the Civil War in America, which had now lasted several months, tempted large numbers of men to go to that country, particularly such as were known to be well-drilled soldiers, to whom most tempting inducements were held out by agents who visited Ireland for the purpose, and their efforts had the more success from the want of any kind of employment for labourers in this country’. As a result of this, it is recorded that many men of this militia regiment enlisted to fight in America, some of those returning to once again serve as amateur soldiers in their native land. Similar examples are seen in other Irish Militia units, such as the Westmeath Militia. However, very little official documentation is available, owing to the difficulty in prosecuting anyone under the Foreign Enlistment Act. Owing to this lack of official evidence the author would greatly appreciate any information, or, indeed, other examples of former Irish Militiamen serving in America during the Civil War period.

If you have any information that you think might be of use to Will please email at irishamericancivilwar@gmail.com for his details or leave a comment on this post.

Battle of Williamsburg, 5th May 1862 (Kurz and Allison, 1893)

Patrick’s grieving mother wrote to the commanding officer of the regiment, Colonel Hayman, five days after the battle. She sought information on her son’s death and the fate of his remains. His beautifully written response of 13th May must have moved her greatly, as she submitted it to the New York Irish-American for publication:

Dear Madam,

I am just in receipt of yours of the 10th inst. Your son, Lieutenant P.H. Hayes, was buried near the road leading to Williamsburg, and his grave is carefully marked, so that his remains can, at some future time, be removed, but at present it would be impossible. I endeavored to purchase a metalic coffin in Williamsburg, but none could be had there. I am now moving to the front, but I shall do all in my power to further your wishes in regard to the remains of your son. Allow me to mingle my tears with yours, for while you have lost your only son, my regiment has been thereby deprived of one of its most gallant officers, whose name will be revered by all who knew him, and who fell while leading his men in the thickest of the fight. The gallantry of Lieutenant Hayes and the brave men who fell with him, of the 37th, together with the noble conduct of the 5th Michigan, turned the tide of battle, and his name should form a bright page in our country’s history.

That God may sustain you in your sore bereavement is the ardent desire of yours truly,

S. B. HAYMAN 

Colonel, 37th Regt., N.Y.V. (2)

Patrick Hayes had emigrated to New York from his home in Killarney, Co. Kerry with his parents when he was eight years old. On joining the 37th New York at the outbreak of war he expressed a desire that ‘some good for Ireland would arise out of it’. As the quote suggests, Hayes was a Fenian, and prior the war he had been a First Lieutenant in Welpley’s Company of the Phoenix Brigade, an organisation aimed at training Fenian soldiers. Just before his death Patrick had written to his mother, telling her that he was prepared for anything that might happen to him, having complied with all the duties of his religion and being resigned to whatever fate awaited him. Unfortunately for Patrick’s wife Dorcas and daughter Ellen, that fate had been death. (3)

Dorcas Monaghan and Patrick Hayes had been friends since childhood, and following the blossoming of their relationship they married in St. Mary’s Church, New York on 15th May 1859. Their daughter, Ellen, was born on the 14th July the following year, and baptised on 22nd July at St. Jame’s Church in the city. Now, less than three years after their marriage, 22-year-old Dorcas found herself a widow with a child under the age of two. She made steps to apply for a pension to support herself and her daughter, who were then living at 69 Oliver Street in New York. In June 1863 she was eventually granted $17 per month, backdated to the time of her husband’s death. However, there were to be many more twists and turns in the pension saga of Dorcas and Ellen. (4)

The 1859 Marriage Certificate of Patrick Hayes and Dorcas Monaghan

Dorcas Hayes’s pension was terminated dating from the end of 1865. The reason for this had its roots a few months before, when Dorcas met English-born John Marshall; they married on 31st December of that year, and her entitlement to a pension ended with the union. The name that was entered on the marriage certificate was destined to have unfortunate consequences for Dorcas on a number of occasions over the next 40 years. (5)

The immediate future saw the emergence of another claimant for the pension, one Bridget Kelly. In 1869 Bridget applied for a pension on behalf of Patrick’s then eight year old daughter Ellen, whom she had become the legal guardian of that year. The 30-year-old had been present at Ellen’s baptism, and knew Dorcas well. She became guardian under an 1862 Act which entitled minors to claim the pension in circumstances such as these (in this case the re-marriage of Dorcas). The claim was complicated by the fact that when Dorcas remarried, the certificate used her maiden name ‘Monaghan’, rather than her married name ‘Hayes’; now that she was Dorcas Marshall she had to try and prove that she was one in the same person as Dorcas Hayes. Deponents stepped forward to swear to the fact that they had known her most of her life, and that she was in fact the widow of Patrick and mother of Ellen. The application eventually succeeded, and in 1872 a minors pension of $15 per month was approved, increased to $17 the next year. The pension was paid until 1876, when Ellen turned 16. (6)

The Marriage Certificate of Dorcas Monaghan and John Marshall, 1865. The use of her maiden name, 'Monaghan' rather than her married name 'Hayes' would cause Dorcas difficulty in years to come.

The family next appears in the 1880 census, living in Queens. John Marshall was at this juncture working as a Dock Master, and he and Dorcas had three children, Clarence (7), Dorcas (5) and George (2). Ellen was also living with the family, recorded as ‘Ella’ on the census document. Their fate over the next twenty years is unclear, until they re-emerge in early years of the twentieth century. John Marshall, by now working as a laborer, fell ill on 9th April 1902, suffering from myocarditis. He was admitted to the City Hospital, where he died eight days later on 17th April. Dorcas was at this time living at 744 Dean Street in Brooklyn. Facing into old age, the Irishwoman found herself struggling financially. She had little option but to turn once again towards the service of her first love, now dead some 40 years, in hope of support. (7)

In 1904 Dorcas applied for the reinstatement of her initial pension entitlements based on Patrick’s death, but was once again faced with difficulties resulting from the use of her maiden name on her 1865 marriage certificate with John Marshall. She explained that at the time of her second marriage the priest had been informed she was the widow of Patrick Hayes, but ‘through some inadvertence or mistake the name was omitted and the name of Monaghan only retained.’ She once again had to produce witnesses to testify that she was originally married to Patrick, and additionally was asked to show that her second husband John had not served in the war. This was to be no easy task, particularly as Dorcas could find no-one who was well acquainted with John Marshall prior to 1865. (8)

Dorcas once again surmounted the difficulties she faced, and the pension application was eventually successful. She again received the $17 a month that had first been granted in 1863. What became of Dorcas and Patrick’s daughter Ellen becomes unclear after 1880, although it is possible that she died, still unmarried, when in her thirties. As the fiftieth anniversary of the young mans death loomed, the wartime service of Patrick Hayes in the American Civil War was still providing for his now elderly wife. The pension was last paid to Dorcas on 7th February 1910. Almost 48 years after the Kerryman had fallen at Williamsburg the payments ceased; the reason Dorcas no longer needed it was explained in the file as follows: ‘Reported death. Date not given.’ (9)

The 1911 document which closes the Patrick Hayes pension claims

(1) New York State Military Museum; (2) Irish American 24th May 1862; (3) Irish American 24th May 1862, Kane 2002: 104, 135; (4) Civil War Widows Pension WC3561; (5) Civil War Widows Pension WC3561; (6) Civil War Widows Pension WC3561; (7) 1880 Census, Civil War Widows Pension WC3561; (8) Civil War Widows Pension WC3561; (9) Civil War Widows Pension WC3561;

References & Further Reading

Civil War Widows Pension File WC3561: Patrick Henry Hayes

Kane, Michael H. 2002. ‘American Soldiers in Ireland, 1865-67′ in The Irish Sword: The Journal of the Military History Society of Ireland, Vol. 23, No. 91, pp. 103-140

New York Irish American: 24th May 1862

New York State Military Museum: 37th Regiment New York Volunteers Civil War Newspaper Clippings: ‘Obituary: Lieutenant Patrick Henry Hayes, Thirty-Seventh Regiment New York Volunteers’

1880 United States Census

Civil War Trust Battle of Williamsburg Page

First Battle of Bull Run (Kurz & Allison 1889)

John Donovan described his day as follows:

Went into an engagement at Bull Run, Sunday, July 21, 1861, at 10 o’clock, a.m., or thereabouts. Marched up the hill after getting over a fence, and on reaching nearly to the brow I was struck by a rifle ball in the calf of my right leg, outside, passing through to the skin on the other side. In the cars on the way to Richmond the next evening, a young man, looking among the wounded prisoners, wanted me to let him take it out and keep the ball, to which I consented, and he cut it out. 

After being hit as above I stepped back to the fence, sat down and bound up my leg to keep it from bleeding. I then got up and loaded and fired from where I stood. After firing three times, another ball hit me in the left heel, glancing up along near my ankle joint. This ball remained in about eight weeks, when my leg, being badly festered, the prison hospital surgeon lanced it one evening, and in the night the ball worked down, so I got it out the next morning.

After being hit the second time I still kept loading and firing as fast as I could. In about ten minutes, as near as I can judge, a third ball struck me in the right side, which still remains somewhere within me. This disabled me somewhat for a short time, but I again loaded and fired two or three times as well as I could, when I was struck in the right arm (while in the act of firing) about midway between my elbow and shoulder joints, the ball running up towards my neck. The ball was taken out about nine weeks afterwards by the hospital surgeon at Richmond, about half away from my shoulder joint to my neck bone. I fired my musket but once after this, as the recoil of it hurt my shoulder so, I was unable to bear it.

I then left the fence to get behind a tree standing some two hundred and fifty yards off, and picked up a revolver which lay on the ground, just after I left the fence, at which time a bullet struck on my right wrist glancing off from the bone. I went a little further towards the tree, when some twelve or fifteen Confederate soldiers came out of the woods directly towards me.

I fired the revolver at them three times, and just as I fired the third barrel, a bullet fired by one of this company struck me just below my left eye, going into my head. I knew nothing more until about noon the next day (Monday). When I came to I found myself lying right where I fell the day before. I tried to get up, but could not. After this I made several ineffectual attempts to crawl away to the shade of a tree, the sun shining very hot. About four p.m., a couple of soldiers came along, picked me up, and carried me to the cars, and I was sent to Richmond, afterwards sent to Alabama, and finally released on parole. The bullet still remains in my head; the hospital surgeon says it lies somewhere near my right ear (the sense of hearing being entirely lost in that ear), the drum, or typanum having been injured by it. The slightest touch on my chin, or near it, causes a sever pain in my right temple and over the ear. I cannot see at all with my left eye. I cannot bear to be out in the sun; it makes me dizzy and my head pains me severely; so also does more than ordinary exercise. Ordinarily, when sitting quiet, my head only occasionally troubles me- a little dizziness and heaviness is about all- except when out in the sun or heated, as before stated; and also when I attempt to lift anything, it puts me in severe pain in my head, and my eyes pain me exceedingly, as well then as when heated or out in the sun. I am obliged to keep out of the sun as much as possible on account of this excruciating pain in my head and eyes, and when I read my eyes fill with water, and I have to rest. I cannot write a letter of ordinary length. I have to stop several times for this and from dizziness. There is occasionally a dimness comes over my right eye even when quiet, but not very often. The surgeon said the bone around my left temple was shattered, and that pieces thereof would work out; none has to my knowledge. The bullet which entered my right side has not yet given me any great trouble. (1)

Records confirm that John Donovan enlisted as a Private in Company B, 2nd Wisconsin Infantry, on 22nd May 1861. At that time he resided in Houston, Minnesota. The Roster of Wisconsin Volunteers states that he was wounded five times at Bull Run, made a prisoner, and discharged due to disability on his release. His survival despite receiving so many wounds is remarkable; despite this, the severe impact these injuries had on his life highlight the legacy of suffering that many American Civil War veterans had to endure long after the guns fell silent. (2)

(1) Irish American; (2) Roster 1886: 351;

References

Irish American, 9th September 1862: ‘A Man Wounded Six Times in One Battle’

Wisconsin Adjutant General’s Office 1886. Roster of Wisconsin Volunteers, War of the Rebellion, 1861- 1865, Volume 1

Maurice Fitzharris, First Lieutenant, 42nd New York Infantry. Rose from the ranks, having enlisted in 1861. Wounded four times during the war, including while commanding skirmishers facing Pickett's Charge at Gettysburg. Member of the Potomac Circle of the Fenian Brotherhood during the war. (Kane 2002: 121)

Joseph O'Carroll, from Co. Tipperary. Enlisted in 1863 and rose from the ranks to First Lieutenant in the 4th New York Cavalry. Wounded at 3rd Winchester. Transferred to 9th New York Cavalry in 1865. (Kane 2002: 131)

Joseph P. Cleary, born in Limerick. Private 13th New York, in June 1863 joined the 14th New York Heavy Artillery and rose to Major. (Kane 2002: 117)

John Warren, Captain of Company B, 63rd New York, Irish Brigade. Born in Clonakilty, Co. Cork, he was discharged in September 1862. (Kane 2002: 134)

James Smith, Hospital Steward and Sergeant, 65th Illinois Infantry. Recruited into Fenians by Colonel Owen Stuart, 90th Illinois Infantry. (Kane 2002:133)

James Murphy, served in US Artillery before the war. Rose from ranks to become Captain of Company F, 20th Massachusetts. Fought at Ball's Bluff, wounded by canister in the left arm at Chancellorsville in 1863 and discharged. Served in Reserve Officer Corps in 1864-5. (Kane 2002: 128)

James McDermott, 6th Connecticut Infantry and 99th New York State Militia. Born in Boyle, Co. Roscommon. (Kane 2002: 127)

James Burns, Captain, 23rd Illinois Infantry. Born in England, served in the ranks and reenlisted as a Veteran Volunteer. Wounded at Second Winchester in 1864. (Kane 2002: 116)

Edward Morley, who spent 13 months with the 183rd Pennsylvania Infantry. Recruited into the Fenians in 1863. (Kane 2002: 128)

Patrick J. Condon, 2nd New York State Militia and later Captain of Company G, 63rd New York, Irish Brigade. Born in Creeves, Co. Limerick. (Kane 2002: 118)

References

Kane, Michael H. 2002. ‘American Soldiers in Ireland, 1865-67′ in The Irish Sword: The Journal of the Military History Society of Ireland, Vol. 23, No. 91, pp. 103-140

Mountjoy Prison Portaits of Irish Independence: Photograph Albums in Thomas A. Larcom Collection

New York Public Library Digital Gallery

On the 9^th December 1863  the Union Steamship Circassian captured the blockade runner Minna off Charleston. The Minna was towed into Hampton Roads where its cargo was disposed of. One of the curious items onboard the Minna  was a consignment of bibles which had been in short supply since the outbreak of the war. The Circassian itself was a former blockade runner which had been captured earlier in the war. She had been an emigrant ship prior to the war and had served the Galway to New York route.

An 1862 Harper's Weekly engraving of captured blockade runners: The 'Circassian' is in the right foreground (Naval History and Heritage Command)

The Minna was apparently part owned by the Malcomsons of Portlaw, Co. Waterford, who were cotton merchants that had a workforce of over 2000 in their Waterford mill. As the war progressed two sons of the mill manager were dispatched to the South to try and reclaim some of the large amounts of money owed to the Malcomsons by the Confederate government. The two unfortunate men were never heard from again and their fate is unknown. The Malcomsons had by necessity backed the South, a decision which led to the eventual ruin of their business empire.

Due to its nature information on blockade running is scarce and the author of this post would greatly appreciate more information on the eventual fate of the Minna or any blockade runner with Irish connections. James Doherty can be reached at jamesandrewdoherty@gmail.com

Irish American Civil War Trail Website

The site is still under development and there are many images and locations to be added, particularly concerning the birthplaces of Colonels and Medal of Honor recipients. However it will be added to over time and it is hoped it will act as a catalyst for the development of local interest at these locations. Please drop by and have a look at the site, and feel free to make suggestions as to potential additions, clarifications or to provide further detail on entries. We would also welcome any photographs of any sites in Ireland that could be added. If you would like to contact the group you can do so on the Civil War Trail site or by emailing americancivilwarandireland@gmail.com.

The 17th Wisconsin were organised in Madison and mustered into service on 15th March 1862. The men were largely drawn from the state’s Irish community, and Corinth was to be their first major action. When the battle opened the 17th had initially been kept in the rear to guard the brigade camp. However, as the Federal situation deteriorated, the regiment was ordered to the battlefield just after 1pm. Colonel Doran remembered that as they approached the front they were greeted with ‘as hearty a cheer as was ever raised for the sons of Erin.’ (2)

Federal troops in Corinth Mississippi during winter 1862 (Photographic History of the Civil War)

The 17th Wisconsin took up a position beyond the Memphis and Charleston Railroad, and faced north on a ridge of high ground. Scotsman Brigadier-General John McArthur arrived to take control of events and began to form other regiments to the Irishmen’s left, creating a new Union line that ran between the 17th and Battery F, one of the earthen redoubts defending the town. Doran detailed Companies B, F and G forward to act as skirmishers and feel for the enemy. Firing erupted as they encountered the thus far victorious Confederates, and they took their first casualties; Captain Hugh McDermott of Company B fell severely wounded with a gunshot wound in the chest. (3)

As the Rebels drove in the 17th’s skirmishers fire began to intensify on the main Union line. The gunners of Lieutenant Mitchell’s Battery F, 2nd Illinois Light Artillery took the brunt of the punishment, and cannoneers began to fall. It was now just after 2pm. Brigadier-General McArthur determined that it was necessary to drive the Confederates back in order to save his artillery, and so asked Colonel Doran if he could ‘charge successfully on the brigade doing such execution.’ He replied that he could, and he turned to his men to prepare them to assault the Rebels. (4)

The green-flag regiment prepared their ranks and surged towards the enemy crying ‘Faugh A Ballagh’, a gaelic war-cry meaning ‘Clear the Way’. The remainder of the Union line charged forward in echelon with them, and the Rebels were driven back some three-quarters of a mile. At this juncture the Confederates regrouped and were reinforced, and it became necessary for the Federal troops to fall back to avoid envelopment. Tragedy then struck the Badger State Irishmen, as they came under fire from a wholly unexpected direction. Two exhausted Union regiments, the 14th Wisconsin and 15th Michigan, had been ordered back into the fray having fought with heavy loss earlier in the day. Coming upon their retreating comrades they mistook them for Rebels, before ‘discharging their muskets into the Seventeenth’, after which they ‘turned and ran.’ (5)

Federal troops overlooking the tracks in Corinth, Mississippi, 1862 (Library of Congress)

The 17th Wisconsin successfully withdrew to the main entrenchments around Corinth, where a series of strong fortifications and batteries protected the town. McArthur commented on the field that the men had ‘made the most glorious charge of the campaign’ and also complemented Sergeant-Major John Nichol who had commanded a party of skirmishers. The battle was renewed the next day, but the unit was not heavily engaged. The 4th October assault ended in slaughter for the Confederates as they attempted to penetrate the strong defensive positions; they were left with no option but to withdraw. (6)

The 17th Wisconsin Infantry would go on to serve in the Vicksburg and Atlanta Campaigns, and ended the war taking part in the Grand Review in Washington D.C. The regiment lost five killed and twenty wounded during the fighting of 3rd October, although a number of of the latter category succumbed to their wounds. The impact of the Battle of Corinth on the survivors and their families could be lifelong, as was the case for those men disabled as a result of their injuries. The names of the killed and wounded in the 17th Wisconsin at Corinth are as follows:

Company B: Captain Hugh McDermott (wounded), Private Hugh Greenwood (wounded, discharged disability), Private Thomas Gaffney (wounded, later died), Private Otto B. Thomas (wounded, later killed at Vicksburg), Private Edwin Sykes (wounded), Private Carroll W. Gifford (wounded), Private John Fahey (wounded, transferred to Veteran Reserve Corps)

Company C: Private Anthony O’Brien (killed)

Company D: First Sergeant William Maas (wounded, discharged disability), Sergeant James Dempsey (killed), Private Terence McElroy (killed)

Company E: Private Andrew Holcomb (wounded, later died)

Company F: Sergeant John Keenan (wounded, discharged disability), Corporal Peter Gallagher (wounded, later died), Private Timothy Scanl0n (killed), Private Patrick Tiernan (wounded, transferred to Veteran Reserve Corps)

Company H: Corporal George Winkle (killed), Private Maurice Kerins (wounded, discharged disability), Private Ansel J. Bugby (wounded, discharged disability)

Company I: Captain Julius G. Nordman (wounded), Private James Conners (wounded, later died of disease at Vicksburg), Private Henry Closson (wounded, discharged disability in 1864)

Company K: First Sergeant David S. Bishop (wounded, discharged), Corporal David Converse (wounded, transferred to Veteran Reserve Corps), Private Andrew Conley (wounded, transferred to Veteran Reserve Corps) (7)

(1) Cozzens 1997: 181-3; (2) Quiner 1866: 644, Official Records: 350; (3) Cozzens 1997: 181-5, Quiner 1866: 644, Official Records: 350; (4) Cozzens 1997: 182-3, Official Records: 350-1; (5) Love 1866: 516, Cozzens 1997: 183, Official Records: 351; (6) Love 1866: 516; (7) Quiner 1866: 646, Roster 1886: 49-82;

References & Further Reading

Cozzens, Peter 1997. The Darkest Days of the War: The Battles of Iuka and Corinth

Love, William DeLoss 1866. Wisconsin in the War of Rebellion

Quiner, E.B. 1866. Military History of Wisconsin

Official Records Series 1, Volume 17 (Part 1), Chapter 29. Report of Col. John L. Doran, Seventeenth Wisconsin Infantry, including operations October 3-11

Wisconsin Adjutant General’s Office 1886. Roster of Wisconsin Volunteers, War of the Rebellion, 1861- 1865, Volume 2

Colors of the 17th Wisconsin Infantry in the Wisconsin Veterans Museum

Civil War Trust Battle of Corinth Page

Corinth Civil War Interpretive Centre

Wisconsin Historical Society: Wisconsin in the Civil War

Colonel Michael Kerwin, 13th Pennsylvania Cavalry, in later life

In April 1861 Michael Kerwin enlisted as a private in the largely Irish 24th Pennsylvania Regiment, where he quickly rose to First Sergeant in Company H. The three-month regiment formed part of Tyrone native General Robert Patterson’s force which advanced into Virginia early in the war. The forward Union movement presented Kerwin with a first opportunity to demonstrate his mettle. He volunteered to precede the army across the Potomac River, and infiltrate the Rebel lines to ascertain the force that lay ahead. Disguising himself, the Irishman successfully passed through Confederate camps around Martinsburg, returning to his own lines with an estimate of enemy numbers and dispositions. Kerwin would not remain in the ranks for long. (2)

Following the expiration of his service with the 24th Pennsylvania, Kerwin began his long association with the cavalry arm. He became the Captain of Company B, 13th Pennsylvania Cavalry dating from 27th March 1862. Again promotion came quickly for him, and he became the unit’s Major on 20th October of the same year. Perhaps the regiments most notable action took place on 12th October 1863 at White Sulphur Springs, Virginia, when the 13th was part of a picket force that attempted to hold off a large enemy advance. Severely outnumbered, the horsemen kept fighting against the odds for some 6 hours, during which time they sustained significant losses. (3)

Michael Kerwin became the Colonel of the 13th Pennsylvania Cavalry dating from 22nd April 1864. The regiment formed part of General Sheridan’s command in the Army of the Potomac during the Overland Campaign. The Wexford native was sporadically called on to take acting command of the 2nd Brigade, 2nd Division of the Cavalry Corps, holding the post for a number of days in August, October and November 1864 and February 1865. In the latter month his command was pulled from in front of Petersburg and dispatched to Wilmington, North Carolina, in order to meet up with General Sherman’s army which was then marching through Georgia. They rendezvoused with Sherman’s troops at Fayetteville, where Kerwin took command of the 3rd Brigade, 3rd Division of Kilpatrick’s cavalry. He remained in charge at Fayetteville until the close of the conflict, when he returned to Philadelphia and was mustered out on 14th July 1865. (4)

Michael Kerwin’s martial career did not end with the close of the Civil War. He was a noted Fenian, and following his discharge he immediately travelled to Ireland, commissioned by John O’Mahony to James Stephens who was the Chief Organiser of the Irish Republican Brotherhood. Intending to assist in an armed struggle to gain Irish independence, Kerwin was arrested and detained in prison by the British for a number of months before being returned to the United States, where he remained active in the Irish movement. After the war he married the widow of another Fenian and American Civil War veteran, Colonel Denis Burke of the 88th New York Infantry, Irish Brigade. (5)

The Wexford native worked in a number of varied posts following his return to the United States. Moving from Philadelphia to New York in 1870, he became Collector of Internal Revenue for the Second District of the city, and later served as the Police Commissioner. He subsequently acted as the Pension Agent for New York, a position he took over from Franz Siegel. He established the Irish nationalist paper the New York Tablet which he owned with David Power Conyngham, historian of the Irish Brigade. Michael Kerwin lived until the age of 74, passing away on 20th June 1912 at his home at 487 West 145th Street, New York. The New York Times listed his cause of death as ‘senile infirmities’. He is buried in Arlington National Cemetery, Arlington, Virginia in Section 3, Lot 2169. (6)

(1) Bates 1875: 764, Hunt 2007, 95; (2) Bates 1875: 765; (3) Bates 1875: 765, Hunt 2007, 95; (4) Hunt 2007, 95; Bates 1875: 766; (5) Denieffe 1906: 283, Hunt 2007, 95; (6) New York Times Obituary, Hunt 2007: 95, Denieffe 1906: 283, Kohl 1994: xxiii-xxiv;

References & Further Reading

Bates, Samuel P. 1875. Martial Deeds of Pennsylvania

Conyngham, David Power (edited by Lawrence Kohl) 1994. The Irish Brigade and its Campaigns

Denieffe, Joseph 1906. A Personal Narrative of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood

Hand, Harold 2000. One Good Regiment: The Thirteenth Pennsylvania Cavalry (117th Pennsylvania Volunteer Regiment) 1861-1865

Hunt, Roger D. 2007. Colonels in Blue: The Mid-Atlantic States

New York Times 21st June 1912: Gen. Michael Kerwin Dead

The USS Kearsarge (Library of Congress)

Coal Heaver Charles Poole of the Kearsarge thought Queenstown (now Cobh) was a small town considering how busy the port was, and he remarked that the old houses on the shore gave the settlement an ‘antique’ look. For some of the crew it was a familiar sight. Quarter Gunner John Dempsey knew it well, and even encountered people who knew his family amongst those who rowed out to meet the ship. Captain of the Forecastle Jimmy Haley hailed from nearby Ringaskiddy, and was allowed ashore to visit his sister. As Queenstown was a neutral port, the local Examining Officer sought to inform the Kerasarge’s Captain, John A. Winslow, that the vessel could stay for no longer than 24 hours. However, Captain Winslow had travelled to Cork, and his deputy, Lieutenant-Commander James Thornton, told the officials that he would leave when his Captain ordered him to. The local media quickly condemned the Union warship’s actions as defiance of the law. Things had got off to a bad start. (2)

While the Captain visited Cork, the Kearsarge’s officers got to work on shore. Although the vessel was ostensibly looking for coal, the ship was also short-handed and badly needed new recruits. It was illegal for Union or Confederate vessels to recruit in British ports, but this rarely prevented them from trying. The Petty Officers began actively seeking out men in the town; Ringaskiddy native Haley alone managed to persuade five men- John Sullivan, Edward Rylurne, Thomas Murphy, George Patterson and Dennis Leary- to sign up at $12 a month. Many of the locals undoubtedly hoped that enlisting would allow them to eventually gain passage to America. Any men interested were taken on-board, where they were given a medical examination below decks. Not everyone passed muster; Edward Lynch was rejected for being too short. Others suffered from cold feet- Queenstown natives Patrick Kennedy and Edward Lynch agreed to enter as seamen but elected not to sail with the ship when she departed. In the end 16 men from Ringaskiddy and Queenstown were accepted, local men like Daniel O’Connell of Whitepoint and John Connelly of Bishop’s Street. The illegal recruits were cautioned to stay out of sight until the Kearsarge had raised anchor for fear of discovery. (3)

The modern-day Spit Light at Queenstown (Cobh), Co. Cork as seen in 2012, where the USS Kearsarge anchored in 1863. The Irish Naval vessels LE Aoife (foreground) and LE Emer (background) highlight the continued military presence at this important port

Captain Winslow returned from his visit to Cork on 5th November and the sloop made ready for sea. Departing that afternoon the new men quickly found themselves subjected to the full rigours of life before the mast, as heavy seas caused most of them to become violently seasick. The Captain was keen not to flagrantly violate British law by officially signing the men up in Her Majesty’s waters. For now they would officially remain ‘stowaways.’ As the Kearsarge neared Brest on the coast of France, Winslow sent an officer ashore in a launch, together with the 16 Irishmen. Here the ‘stowaways’ were asked if they wanted to depart for shore, or if they would prefer to seek the Captain’s mercy. Unsurprisingly all chose the latter course, and they were enlisted ‘for the purpose of their support and comfort.’ The ruse was intended to circumvent any legal implications resulting from the recruitment, but unfolding events would soon place Captain Winslow in an extremely uncomfortable position. (4)

Ordinarily the incident would have gone practically unnoticed and the new men would have been quietly subsumed into the crew of the Kearsarge. However, on this occasion Captain Winslow’s luck was out. British authorities became aware of the illegal recruitment, and it was the subject of an official complaint to the United States as well as questions in Parliament. The incident quickly became major news, and was used to demonstrate a lack of respect by the Union for the British  Foreign Enlistment Act, which made such recruitment illegal. Confederate agents and sympathisers held up the incident as an example of U.S. perfidy. Confederate agents such as Lieutenant J.L. Capston were active in Queenstown at this time, and was actively corresponding about the incident. As pressure increased, Captain Winslow had little option but to create an appropriate paper trail and deny all knowledge of  illegal recruitment, while hurriedly seeking to re-embark the men at Queenstown. (5)

The main waterfront buildings in Cobh (Queenstown), Co. Cork as they appear today

Captain Winslow wrote to Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles on 7th December to inform him that: ‘A party of men, either by connivance of the crew or otherwise, were concealed on board this vessel on the night of her departure from Queenstown, the 5th ultimo. These men I learn were in expectation of being enlisted in the service of the United States after the Kearsarge had proceeded to sea, but found their mistake.’ On the same day that he wrote to Secretary Welles, Winslow had returned to Queenstown and repatriated the unfortunate men, who had once again officially become ‘stowaways’. As was later pointed out in Parliament, the fact that all the returned men subsequently pleaded guilty to enlisting with the Kearsarge suggests that Captain Winslow was being somewhat economical with the truth. (6)

When the Corkmen were returned to the port in December 1863, one man was missing. Michael Ahern, who had been working as a clerk with Messrs. Scott of Queenstown prior to throwing in his lot with the Kearsarge, was not amongst them. Captain Winslow seems to have managed to develop another ruse to keep this man aboard, as he had specific qualifications which were needed on the ship. Ahern was to become a Paymaster’s Steward. The man who on 2nd November 1863 was quietly working in a Co. Cork office would achieve an unlikely feat just over 6 months later. On 19th June 1864, the USS Kearsarge did battle with the notorious Confederate warship, the CSS Alabama, off Cherbourg, France. The rebel vessel was sent to the bottom in the fight; amongst those men commended for their actions was one Michael Ahern, who exhibited ‘coolness and good conduct and was highly recommended by his divisional officer for gallantry under enemy fire.’ On 31st December 1864, just over a year since he had been illegally recruited in Queenstown, Michael Ahern was awarded the Congressional Medal of Honor. The only man to avoid repatriation following the ‘Queenstown Affair’ had gone on to receive the United States highest award for gallantry. (7)

(1) Marvel 1996: 202; (2) Marvel 1996: 202-3, Official Records: 489; (3) Marvel 1996: 203, Diplomatic Correspondence Earl Russell to Mr. Adams; (4) Marvel 1996: 203-204, Official Records: 565; (5) Marvel 1996: 204-5; (6) Marvel 1996: 204-5, Official Records: 563, Debate on the Kearsarge; (7) Marvel 1996: 204-5, Diplomatic Correspondence Earl Russell to Mr. Adams, Congressional Medal of Honor Society, Broadwater 2007: 7;

References & Further Reading

Broadwater, Robert P. 2007. Civil War Medal of Honor Recipients

Congressional Medal of Honor Society

Irish Emigration Database: Debate on the ‘Kearsarge’ Federal Enlistments in Ireland

Marvel, William 1996. The Alabama and the Kearsarge: The Sailor’s Civil War

Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of Rebellion; Series 1, Volume 2: The Operation of the Cruisers (January 1, 1863- March 31, 1864)

University of Wisconsin Digital Collections: United States Department of State- Diplomatic Correspondence Earl Russell to Mr. Adams