Robert Atkins was the son of the local Episcopal clergyman in Mallow, the Reverend Mr. Atkins. Prior to the outbreak of the Civil War he had been interested in military affairs, serving as an officer in the Royal Cork City Artillery in the 1850s. With the advent of the Italian War in 1860 he joined the ‘British Legion’, a group of volunteers who fought for Garibaldi’s Republicans. While there he struck up a friendship with an American called Chatham Roberdeau Wheat, a Southern adventurer who had been born in Virginia but had grown up in the State of Louisiana. The fateful encounter brought Robert to the United States, where civil war loomed. (1)

In New Orleans, Wheat organised the 1st Louisiana Special Battalion, a motley group of natives and immigrants (including many Irish) who would prove extraordinarily ill-disciplined but courageous in a fight. They soon took on the moniker of the ‘Louisiana Tigers.’ Robert Atkins became a Captain in the outfit, and served with them in the first major battle of the war at Bull Run. One colourful account of the Irishman’s service in that engagement claimed that:  ’It was Captain Atkin’s who led Wheat’s Battalion at Manassas, after the noble Wheat fell wounded, leading the celebrated charge of the Louisiana Tigers with a bare shillalah. ‘ (2)

Firville House, Mallow. Robert Atkins wrote his letter to the Bishop of Kerry and resigned from the Confederate States Army from here. (National Inventory of Architectural Heritage- http://www.niah.ie)

After his service with the Tigers Atkins went on to become Aide de Camp on the staff of Major-General Arnold Elzey, who commanded the Department of Richmond. It was while in this position that he returned to Ireland on personal business; from his Mallow home in early 1864 he decided to assist the Southern cause from afar by addressing the Bishop of Kerry about Irish emigration to America and their subsequent enlistment in Union armies. The perceived swelling of Northern ranks by immigrants was an issue close to the Southern press’ hearts, and they frequently reported on it, particularly as the war dragged on in late 1863 and 1864. Robert’s letter was published in the Irish Tralee Chronicle and was soon picked up and reprinted in Southern papers such as the The Richmond Dispatch (Virginia), Daily Constitutionalist (Georgia) and Charleston Mercury (South Carolina). It read as follows:

FIRVILLE, MALLOW, County Cork,

January 9th, 1864

My Lord,

The enclosed letter from the Rev. John Teeling, of Richmond, Va., Confederate States of America, must be my introduction to your lordship. I had the pleasure of making that gentleman’s acquaintance before the first battle of Manassas, July 21st, 1861, and have the highest satisfaction in stating that he enjoys the reputation among a vast number of admiring friends (of every religious denomination) of being an upright honorable man, and a zealous Christian Minister. During the first year of this unfortunate conflict, my friend, Mr. Teeling, acted Chaplain to “Wheat’s Louisiana Battalion,” from New Orleans, (in which Corps I had the honor to serve as Captain for eighteen months,) composed almost exclusively of Irishmen, and nobly did he do his duty in camp and on the battle-field. On the presentation of new colors to the command, our worthy chaplain consecrated the standard, and on many a hard fought field of Southern independence has its silken folds floated on the breeze- when the victorious shout of “Stonewall Jackson’s corp’s” proclaimed that the minions of a despot had recoiled, baffled and dismayed, before the impetuous advance of Southern troops.

“Is it not sad, my Lord, to witness the flower of our peasantry, at this moment in America, imbruing their hands in each others blood?- Why does the Irishman, who craves for liberty at home, and who complains of mis-government here, support, at the risk of his life, the most degraded despotism the world has yet seen? and why does he (becoming forsooth fascinating with the flowery rhetoric and persuasive powers of Mr. Ward Beecher, et hoc genus omne) enrol himself under the “abolition banners” of Abraham Lincoln, and congratulate himself that he is on a crusade, to grant an unsolicited freedom to three millions of “Africans,” who are better clothed, better lodged, and beyond all better fed then he is himself? I shall answer these questions briefly. No feeling of animosity against a people gallantly struggling for liberty, influences the mind of the Irish peasant, when he sails to America, no sympathy with despotism actuates him to enlist in the Northern army; no hatred of the institution of slavery prompts him to join the fanatical legions of the invader, and makes it the greatest object of his life to carry fire and sword, lust and rapine into every Southern home.

What reasons then actuate him to fight for a despotism which his soul abhors? His own adventurous spirit- the distressed condition of his native land, and then by far the greatest inducement- the enormous bounty paid by the Yankee Government for fighting material. What spirited young fellow, who perhaps never made (-) note in his life, can stand the golden bait of seven hundred and seventy-seven dollars. As seven was a favorite number in Holy Writ, it is to be inferred that the legitimate descendants of the Canting Puritans of England regard that number with a sort of religious reverence. The cotton, tobacco and corn-fields of the South must, indeed, must be a much coveted prize to the consistent worshippers of the “almighty dollar” when seven hundred and seventy-seven “shinplasters” are to be the reward of the Irishman who “undertakes” to “serve an ejectment.” Why does not the Red Republican of New England, abandoning the shelter of his counting house or factory, lead bravely to the field of carnage these hordes of Irish, Dutch, Germans and free niggers whom he so persistently treats to the sound of that music which has no harmony for him- that is, the whistle of Southern bullets? or actuated by the same spirit of liberality with which he started- why does he no remunerate with a pension his unhappy substitute, who returns from the field with a shattered constitution or minus a limb? No, my lord! the men whom I have described are coolly speculating in the life blood of our gallant countrymen, who are the abject dupes of those who hesitate to immolate them by thousands for the accomplishment of their selfish purposes and bloody ends.

On several battlefields in America I can bear testimony to the gallant fighting and esprit de corps of the Irish regiments engaged on both sides. The history of this war will attest the fact that on the bloody field of Fredericksburg no troops ever surpassed in deeds or daring that “Irish brigade” who, selected to storm the key of the Confederate position, (an impregnable range of hills,) was only finally repulsed when four-fifths of its number lay in front of the bloody parapet from which belched forth the converging fire of our victorious artillery.

In the reply of His Holiness, Pius IX., to the letter of Mr. Jefferson Davis, (which appeared in the public journals,) the Sovereign Pontiff thus proves himself, my Lord, the worthy apostle of Him who taught “peace on earth and good will towards men.” He says, “it is particularly agreeable to us to see that you, illustrious and honorable President, and your people, are animated with the same desires of peace and tranquillity with which we have in our letters inculcated upon our venerable brothers. May it please God, at the same time, to make the other peoples of America and their rulers, reflecting seriously how terrible is civil war, and what calamities it engenders, listen to the inspirations of a calmer spirit, and adopt resolutely the path of peace.” Such are the sentiments of His Holiness, and such ought to be the feelings of all who wish to see this unhallowed conflict brought to a termination. I trust, my Lord, that you participate in my views, and hope that you, in the high position in which has pleased Providence to place you, use all the exertions in your power to dissuade the peasantry of your diocese from emigrating to the shores of America, there either to imbue their hands with the blood of their kindred, or crippled and maimed, like houseless warriors dependent on the public charity of some great Northern city. 

I am, my Lord, with assurances of high consideration, your Lordship’s obedient servant,

R. GOING ATKINS,

Captain and A.D.C., C.S. Army.

Right Rev. D. Moriarty, D.D., R.C., Bishop of Kerry, Killarney (3)

Robert Going Atkins letter of resignation from the Confederate States Army, written from ‘Firville, Mallow, Ireland’ (Fold3)

Robert Atkins did not get an opportunity to return to the Confederacy, as family reasons forced his resignation in February 1864. It is unclear if his letter had any effect on Irish emigration and subsequent enlistment, but there was undoubtedly one person who was strongly influenced by his views. Robert’s younger brother John decided that he would champion the cause of the Confederacy. In March 1864 John arrived in the South and took up arms with the famed ‘Gray Ghost’, John Singleton Mosby. The Richmond Examiner of the 3rd December 1864 revealed his fate:

In a charge upon the enemy made by Mosby’s band at Upperville, on the 29th October, fell mortally wounded JOHN ATKINS, a private trooper, the son of the Rev. Mr. Atkins, an eminent Episcopal Clergyman of Mallow, in the County of Cork, Ireland…John Atkins was the younger brother- a young man of high connections in his own country, of good education and great gallantry, who arrived in the Confederacy in the month of March last, with the purpose of throwing himself into our struggle for independence, and at once purchased a horse and joined Mosby, under whose command he has participated in all the dashing exploits of that noble partisan leader. Thus has fallen another of the gallant young soldiers whom European countries have contributed to our devoted armies. (4)

Following the war’s conclusion Robert maintained his love for the South. In early 1870 he returned to America to participate in a hunting trip in Arkansas. The visit would be his last; his death while in the Natural State was recorded by the Irish American of 19th February 1870, at the age of just 39. The final surviving brother, Phillip, was now heir to Firville. He had reputedly served as a surgeon in the Union forces, but did not return to Ireland in 1865. By the time of Robert’s death five years later, he had been out of touch with his family for several years. Despite its geographical remoteness from the battlefields of the conflict, Firville House and it’s occupants in Mallow had felt the personal and tragic touch of the American Civil War just a strongly as many thousands of families across the Atlantic. (5)

(1) Edinburgh Gazette: 17th August 1855, Personne 1864: 99; (2) Personne 1864: 99; (3) Robert Going Atkins Service Record, Daily Constitutionalist: 13th April 1864; (4) Richmond Examiner: 3rd December 1864; (5) Irish American: 19th February 1870;

References

Personne. 1864. Marginalia; Or Gleanings From An Army Notebook

Robert Going Atkins Military Service Record

The Daily Constitutionalist 13th April 1864. Enlistments in Ireland

The Edinburgh Gazette 17th August 1855. Commissions

The Irish American 19th February 1870. Munster

The Richmond Examiner 3rd December 1864. Death of a Gallant Gentleman

The USS Kearsarge (Library of Congress)

Coal Heaver Charles Poole of the Kearsarge thought Queenstown (now Cobh) was a small town considering how busy the port was, and he remarked that the old houses on the shore gave the settlement an ‘antique’ look. For some of the crew it was a familiar sight. Quarter Gunner John Dempsey knew it well, and even encountered people who knew his family amongst those who rowed out to meet the ship. Captain of the Forecastle Jimmy Haley hailed from nearby Ringaskiddy, and was allowed ashore to visit his sister. As Queenstown was a neutral port, the local Examining Officer sought to inform the Kerasarge’s Captain, John A. Winslow, that the vessel could stay for no longer than 24 hours. However, Captain Winslow had travelled to Cork, and his deputy, Lieutenant-Commander James Thornton, told the officials that he would leave when his Captain ordered him to. The local media quickly condemned the Union warship’s actions as defiance of the law. Things had got off to a bad start. (2)

While the Captain visited Cork, the Kearsarge’s officers got to work on shore. Although the vessel was ostensibly looking for coal, the ship was also short-handed and badly needed new recruits. It was illegal for Union or Confederate vessels to recruit in British ports, but this rarely prevented them from trying. The Petty Officers began actively seeking out men in the town; Ringaskiddy native Haley alone managed to persuade five men- John Sullivan, Edward Rylurne, Thomas Murphy, George Patterson and Dennis Leary- to sign up at $12 a month. Many of the locals undoubtedly hoped that enlisting would allow them to eventually gain passage to America. Any men interested were taken on-board, where they were given a medical examination below decks. Not everyone passed muster; Edward Lynch was rejected for being too short. Others suffered from cold feet- Queenstown natives Patrick Kennedy and Edward Lynch agreed to enter as seamen but elected not to sail with the ship when she departed. In the end 16 men from Ringaskiddy and Queenstown were accepted, local men like Daniel O’Connell of Whitepoint and John Connelly of Bishop’s Street. The illegal recruits were cautioned to stay out of sight until the Kearsarge had raised anchor for fear of discovery. (3)

The modern-day Spit Light at Queenstown (Cobh), Co. Cork as seen in 2012, where the USS Kearsarge anchored in 1863. The Irish Naval vessels LE Aoife (foreground) and LE Emer (background) highlight the continued military presence at this important port

Captain Winslow returned from his visit to Cork on 5th November and the sloop made ready for sea. Departing that afternoon the new men quickly found themselves subjected to the full rigours of life before the mast, as heavy seas caused most of them to become violently seasick. The Captain was keen not to flagrantly violate British law by officially signing the men up in Her Majesty’s waters. For now they would officially remain ‘stowaways.’ As the Kearsarge neared Brest on the coast of France, Winslow sent an officer ashore in a launch, together with the 16 Irishmen. Here the ‘stowaways’ were asked if they wanted to depart for shore, or if they would prefer to seek the Captain’s mercy. Unsurprisingly all chose the latter course, and they were enlisted ‘for the purpose of their support and comfort.’ The ruse was intended to circumvent any legal implications resulting from the recruitment, but unfolding events would soon place Captain Winslow in an extremely uncomfortable position. (4)

Ordinarily the incident would have gone practically unnoticed and the new men would have been quietly subsumed into the crew of the Kearsarge. However, on this occasion Captain Winslow’s luck was out. British authorities became aware of the illegal recruitment, and it was the subject of an official complaint to the United States as well as questions in Parliament. The incident quickly became major news, and was used to demonstrate a lack of respect by the Union for the British  Foreign Enlistment Act, which made such recruitment illegal. Confederate agents and sympathisers held up the incident as an example of U.S. perfidy. Confederate agents such as Lieutenant J.L. Capston were active in Queenstown at this time, and was actively corresponding about the incident. As pressure increased, Captain Winslow had little option but to create an appropriate paper trail and deny all knowledge of  illegal recruitment, while hurriedly seeking to re-embark the men at Queenstown. (5)

The main waterfront buildings in Cobh (Queenstown), Co. Cork as they appear today

Captain Winslow wrote to Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles on 7th December to inform him that: ‘A party of men, either by connivance of the crew or otherwise, were concealed on board this vessel on the night of her departure from Queenstown, the 5th ultimo. These men I learn were in expectation of being enlisted in the service of the United States after the Kearsarge had proceeded to sea, but found their mistake.’ On the same day that he wrote to Secretary Welles, Winslow had returned to Queenstown and repatriated the unfortunate men, who had once again officially become ‘stowaways’. As was later pointed out in Parliament, the fact that all the returned men subsequently pleaded guilty to enlisting with the Kearsarge suggests that Captain Winslow was being somewhat economical with the truth. (6)

When the Corkmen were returned to the port in December 1863, one man was missing. Michael Ahern, who had been working as a clerk with Messrs. Scott of Queenstown prior to throwing in his lot with the Kearsarge, was not amongst them. Captain Winslow seems to have managed to develop another ruse to keep this man aboard, as he had specific qualifications which were needed on the ship. Ahern was to become a Paymaster’s Steward. The man who on 2nd November 1863 was quietly working in a Co. Cork office would achieve an unlikely feat just over 6 months later. On 19th June 1864, the USS Kearsarge did battle with the notorious Confederate warship, the CSS Alabama, off Cherbourg, France. The rebel vessel was sent to the bottom in the fight; amongst those men commended for their actions was one Michael Ahern, who exhibited ‘coolness and good conduct and was highly recommended by his divisional officer for gallantry under enemy fire.’ On 31st December 1864, just over a year since he had been illegally recruited in Queenstown, Michael Ahern was awarded the Congressional Medal of Honor. The only man to avoid repatriation following the ‘Queenstown Affair’ had gone on to receive the United States highest award for gallantry. (7)

(1) Marvel 1996: 202; (2) Marvel 1996: 202-3, Official Records: 489; (3) Marvel 1996: 203, Diplomatic Correspondence Earl Russell to Mr. Adams; (4) Marvel 1996: 203-204, Official Records: 565; (5) Marvel 1996: 204-5; (6) Marvel 1996: 204-5, Official Records: 563, Debate on the Kearsarge; (7) Marvel 1996: 204-5, Diplomatic Correspondence Earl Russell to Mr. Adams, Congressional Medal of Honor Society, Broadwater 2007: 7;

References & Further Reading

Broadwater, Robert P. 2007. Civil War Medal of Honor Recipients

Congressional Medal of Honor Society

Irish Emigration Database: Debate on the ‘Kearsarge’ Federal Enlistments in Ireland

Marvel, William 1996. The Alabama and the Kearsarge: The Sailor’s Civil War

Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of Rebellion; Series 1, Volume 2: The Operation of the Cruisers (January 1, 1863- March 31, 1864)

University of Wisconsin Digital Collections: United States Department of State- Diplomatic Correspondence Earl Russell to Mr. Adams

Soldiers & Chiefs Exhibition, National Museum of Ireland, with display inspired by the Lieutenant McCarthy letter

While working with the National Museum of Ireland I was fortunate to be on hand when letters relating to Lieutenant Sweeney’s death were donated to the institution. Transcribing the letters, it was immediately apparent how poignant they were, as one young man attempted to comfort the father of his friend and comrade, while still struggling to deal with the shock of the loss himself. The National Museum had very little detail regarding either McCarthy or Sweeney, beyond the fact that they served in the 182nd New York (69th New York National Guard) as part of Corcoran’s Irish Legion. The battle in which Daniel lost his life was a major reverse for the Second Corps of the Union Army, which suffered a heavy defeat at the hands of the Confederates.

The letters provide a harrowing insight into the reality of combat in the American Civil War. One letter describes the failed attempts by Daniel’s comrades to retrieve his sword to send to his family; these efforts failed partly due to the horrific wounds the Irishman had suffered, which obstructed his belt and prevented the men from freeing the weapon before the position was overrun by the advancing Rebel line. In the other letter, Patrick McCarthy described his friend’s death to John Sweeney (most probably Dan’s father):

Camp 69^th Regt. N.Y.N.G.

(New York National Guard)

Before Petersburg, Virginia

Sept 8^th 1864

Friend John Sweeney,

I am in receipt of your letter bearing the date Sept 2nd, and I have haste to comply with your wishes. Poor Dan was killed in action on Thursday August 25th. He was killed nearly outright, he was hit by a cannon shot or a shell unexploded. When poor Dan was killed, our first line of battle gave way and the Rebels were within one hundred yards of us. I was standing by Dan’s side when he got killed. I had my [head] turned looking where a shell exploded amongst our Regiment and when I looked around again I saw Dan and a Captain in our Regiment by the name of Welpley fall. I was thunderstruck by surprise when I saw the two fall. Poor Dan, him and myself were talking not 20 seconds before he was killed. If there was any possibility of bringing Dan’s body off the field, depend on it, I would do it. We had to leave our wounded to a great majority on the field so you can judge how things were. We had only two small Divisions of our Corps engaged; our Division the 2nd and the first Division, and we had opposed to us two entire Corps and two Brigades of Cavalry, and one of their Divisions was larger than our whole force. You might say we fought them 1 to their 8, and we gave them such a bad cutting up that they abandoned their own dead and wounded. I can not say, my Friend Sweeney, who buried Dan’s body, but I know the spot as well as I know where Mulberry Street is, and if there is any possibility of recovering his body it will be attended to. I was speaking to Colonel Murphy, he told me he received a telegram from you and was going to write to you today. We have not much time to ourselves; we do not know if we be in one place 5 minutes we will hear the dreaded order ‘fall in’ given. As a sample, I will give you since this day week we have not had 3 hours sleep on a stretch, but marching and countermarching and building Breastworks. We are in the line awaiting an attack from the enemy. Lee has got reinforced by Early, we are under arms from before break of day awaiting him. By-him Come, he will get a bloody reception, for we are prepared for him.

Dan’s watch was taken off his body, and he gave $50 to the Quartermaster Sergeant for to keep for him, which will be delivered to you as soon as possible. His valise is in Warehouse No. 3 lower New York avenue and 19th Street Washington. Edgar M. Carr(?) is the gentleman in charge of his commission and other valuable articles are in it. Write to me and let me know if I will send them on to you. Give my kindest regards to all your family.  Poor Dan, the only words he said were ‘give my love to my father and mother and tell them I died doing my duty. Brave my God have mercy on my soul’ 3 times. Friend John Sweeney, any thing that layes in my power I will do it for you about Dan’s body. May God have mercy on his soul, I feel like I’m deserted. I can hardly begin to think about my poor lost Companion.  Write to me often. No more at present, but I remain yours in affection.

P. McCarthy

2nd Brig 2nd Div 2nd Corps

Potential 1860 Census entry for Daniel Sweeney and his family (Fold3)

Dan Sweeney had enlisted in the regiment at the age of 23 in September 1862. He initially served as First Sergeant in Company G, before receiving his commission in Company C in July 1863. Patrick McCarthy had joined up at the age of 21 in March 1863. His promotion from Company C’s Second Lieutenant to First Lieutenant in late June 1863 was what opened the way for Dan’s elevation to Second Lieutenant. Patrick survived the war and mustered out on 15th July 1865. The man who died with Dan was Captain Francis Welpley, a Co. Cork native and prominent member of the Fenian Brotherhood. (1)

The deaths of Sweeney and Welpley had lasting impacts that were felt by their families for many years after the guns fell silent. Examination of the 1860 census reveals what may be the 20-year-old Daniel Sweeney living in New York’s First Ward with his father John and mother Ellen. The young man’s occupation was recorded as a mason, while his father worked as a labourer. It would appear that within a few years of Daniel’s death his mother was left without significant financial support- it may be that his father died shortly after the war. In 1869 she sought a pension based on her son’s military service, most probably in an attempt to retain some financial security following the loss of male breadwinners in the household.

Pension Index Card recording the application of Dan Sweeney's mother for a pension in 1869 (Fold3)

Unlike Dan, the man who died with him was not a batchelor. In 1857 the then carpenter Francis Welpley had married Ann Donovan. In February 1865 the 28-year-old Ann travelled from her home on 52 Pike Street, New York, to seek a widow’s pension based on her husband’s wartime service. She was accompanied by Julia Donovan and Ellen Farrell, who vouched for her time spent with the Corkman. Her application was successful, and the pension was paid for some 30 years into the 1890s.

Declaration for Widow's Army Pension relating to Ann Welpley from February 1865 (Fold 3)

Such details provide glimpses into the far-reaching consequences that the death of a loved one caused for many families in the aftermath of the American Civil War. The single Confederate shell fired on 25th August 1864 at Ream’s Station not only killed two young men, it also changed the lives of the Sweeney and Welpley families forever. Over 140 years later, the letter written by Patrick McCarthy regarding the incident inspired the creation of a tableau in the National Museum of Ireland’s Soldiers & Chiefs exhibition, where a Federal soldier is shown writing home to his family, in order to highlight the often forgotten connection between events at the front and the future and well-being of those left at home.

(1) Roster 182nd New York Infantry, Kane 2002: 137;

References & Further Reading

Kane, Michael H. 2002. ‘American Soldiers in Ireland, 1865-67′ in The Irish Sword: The Journal of the Military History Society of Ireland, Vol. 23, No. 91, pp. 103-140

New York State Adjutant General’s Office: Roster of the 182nd New York Infantry

Fold3.com

Soldiers and Chiefs Exhibition, National Museum of Ireland, Collins Barracks

Civil War Trust Battle of Ream’s Station Page

Brigadier-General Thomas Alfred Smyth (Library of Congress)

Historians have tagged Thomas Alfred Smyth as ‘an unsung Irish hero of the Civil War.’ (1) My goal is to help sing General Smyth’s song for a modern audience.

Born in the tiny village of Ballyhooley in County Cork, Smyth brought to life the classic American-immigrant story with his rise to brevet Major-General by the time of his death in April 1865. The few sources of information about Smyth’s boyhood note that his father was a farmer and Smyth helped him work the family plot until he emigrated in 1854. He had only limited education, but did benefit from travel to Scotland, England and France. (How a poor farmer’s son did so much traveling is one of the mysteries I’m seeking to unravel.)

Once in America, Smyth took the time-honored route of working with a relative to get his start. The relation, an unnamed uncle, worked as a carriage maker in Philadelphia. (2) Like many young men of his era, Smyth craved adventure, so he signed up with Gen. William Walker’s Filibusters and travelled to Nicaragua in 1855 as part of the original band of mercenaries who tromped through the central American jungles in search of fame, fortune and glory.

By 1858, Smyth had returned to Philadelphia to marry Amanda M. Pounder of that city. That year, the couple moved to Wilmington, Delaware, where he plied his trade as a carriage maker. Their only daughter, Emma, is born in Wilmington. While in the Diamond State, Smyth is one of the founders of an Irish militia company known as the ‘National Guards.’ Smyth rises to become a captain of this Wilmington-based outfit.

When Lincoln issues the call for 75,000 volunteers in the spring of 1861, Smyth and his compatriots are ready for action. Because of delays in forming Delaware’s state regiments, Smyth and about 50 of his companions join up with the 24th Pennsylvania Infantry, an all-Irish unit recruited from Philadelphia’s docks and workshops. Smyth and his men spend the first three months of the war with the 24th and then signed on with the First Delaware Infantry Regiment in October 1861.

Smyth stays with that unit through the occupation of Norfolk, the Peninsula campaign, the battle of Antietam and the bloodbath at Fredericksburg, rising to the rank of colonel. He wins acclaim for his coolness under fire at Antietam and his steadfastness as he led the regiment to the killing fields in front of Marye’s Heights in Fredericksburg. He is promoted to brigade command in 1863 and at Gettysburg, his unit is placed along the stone wall during Pickett’s Charge. Smyth gets hit in the face during the engagement and jokes he’d gladly trade his nose for victory.(3) Smyth continues to gain notice for bravery and leadership abilities and, at one point, is tapped to refit and rejuvenate the Army of the Potomac’s Irish Brigade.

High Bridge, Farmville Virginia. Thomas Alfred Smyth led his brigade across this bridge shortly before his mortal wounding. The photo was taken by Irishman Timothy O'Sullivan (Library of Congress)

After leading the Irish Brigade in the battle of the Wilderness, Smyth returns to lead his Second Corps brigade throughout the remainder of the war. (At several times, he was named as interim commander of the Army of Potomac’s Second Division while regular commander Gen. John Gibbon was ill.) After a long delay, Smyth is promoted to brigadier general in October 1864.

His meteoric rise in the Army paralleled his rise in another organization — the Fenian Brotherhood. By late 1864, Smyth has been ‘commissioned’ as the head circle of the Fenian group within the Army of the Potomac and some historians believe that had he lived, Smyth would have been the general to lead the Fenian invasions of Canada in 1866 and 1867. He was elected to the Fenian Counsel in January 1865, but withdrew from the board due to the press of his military duties a month later.

Smyth was wounded by a sniper at an engagement near Farmville, Virginia on April 7, 1865. He died two days later, just hours before Lee signs the surrender papers at Appomattox. Smyth is the last general to die during active hostilities in the Civil War. He was 33.

After spending more than a year researching Smyth’s life, I’ve found there are major gaps in the historical record. Through the help of friends and relatives in Ireland, I’ve launched a search for any Smyth family records and have come up empty. The same is true for his pre-Civil War life in Philadelphia and Wilmington. (We can’t even identify the uncle he worked with in the city of Brotherly Love or where he worked in Wilmington.) I’ve also found only traces of his connections to the Fenians (from scant references in his diaries for 1864 and 1865 and other sources.)

I write at the suggestion of Damian Shiels (whose wise counsel has helped guide my research efforts in Ireland) to ask if any readers of this site have material on Smyth or his family. If so, I’d be eternally grateful if they’d share it with me. I can be reached by phone in the U.S. at (302) 494-4869 or by email at jvpfeeley@comcast.net.

References

(1) Warner, Ezra J. Generals in Blue: Lives of the Union Commanders. Baton Rouge, La., Louisiana State University Press, 1964. Print.

(2) Conyngham, David Power, and Lawrence Frederick Kohl. The Irish Brigade and Its Campaigns. New York, Fordham UP, 1994. Print.

(3) Maull, David W. The Life and Military Services of the Late Brigadier General Thomas A. Smyth. DE: H. & E.F. James, Printers, 1870. Print

There are three documents in the Confederate Citizen Files which relate to Bridget Bolen. All are receipts from Confederate military authorities which provide details of monies due to her in return for goods and services received. It is clear from the documentation that Bridget Bolen was running a large holding in the vicinity of Staunton, Virginia, and was called upon regularly by the Confederate military. The first of the documents dates to 10th August 1863 with the last the following summer on 14th July 1864. It may well be the case that there were further documents which date to earlier in the war that have not survived or are yet to be identified. What is certain from the available evidence is that the provision of supplies to the Confederacy was an extremely lucrative activity for Bridget Bolen.

The first receipt is dated to 10th August 1863 and pertains to the rental for one month and 18 days of the Irishwoman’s storehouse, in order for it to be utilised as a magazine. For this she received the sum of $40. It was authorised by Major Beverley Randolph, most probably when that officer was serving in Fitzhugh Lee’s Cavalry Division (the nephew of Robert E. Lee). It is interesting to note that as with her amnesty petition, Bridget Bolen provides ‘her mark’ on the document; despite her wealth, it would appear she was illiterate.

Receipt to Bridget Bolen indicating she was entitled to $40 for the rent of her storehouse for use as a magazine by Major Beverley Randolph (Image via Footnote)

Later that month she was again called upon, this time renting out a four horse team and a two horse team in order for them to be used to haul lumber for the construction of a building, on this occasion receiving $33 in payment.

Receipt to Bridget Bolen entitling her to $33 payment for the use of her horse teams to haul lumber on 27th and 28th August 1863 (Image via Footnote)

The final note for payment is dated to 14th July 1864, and details the provision of milk by the Cork native for the month of June. She provided a total of 997 1/2 gallons for the use of the sick and wounded in the General Hospital at Staunton. Her payment for this transaction far exceeded the earlier ones, amounting to a total of $2992.50. It was signed by the surgeon in charge of the hospital, with the Irishwoman once again adding her mark to the document. This high figure was undoubtedly partially the result of inflation, as the Confederate dollar lost value as the war dragged on.*

14th July 1864 receipt for Bridget Bolen entitling her to $2992.50 in payment for the provision of 997 1/2 gallons of milk to the Staunton Hospital in June 1864 (Image via Footnote)

The last payment in particular would indicate that Bridget Bolen was a woman who possessed considerable resources in the later war years, and most probably was the owner of a not insignificant amount of land. It also seems likely that she may have been a slaveholder, given the commitment in her amnesty appeal to ‘never again use slave labor’. As the search continues to find out more about this woman and her life, it is interesting to note an entry on the ‘Find A Grave’ site for a headstone in Thornrose Cemetery, Staunton, Virginia. It records the name ‘Bridget Bolen’ with the inscription ‘Mother. Died September 14, 1895, 70 years.’ Although the age of this woman suggests she was born around 1825 (as opposed to the c.1830 date which is indicated by her given age at the time of the amnesty petition), it seems unlikely that there were many women with the same name in Staunton, and this may well be the final resting place of the lady in question. To see the headstone click here.

*With thanks to Jim Swan for information regarding the inflation of the Confederate dollar.

References

Footnote Confederate Citizen Files (subscription required)

Attorney-General of the United States James Speed. Bridget Bolen addressed her petition to him. (Image via Wikipedia)

The fourteen exceptions to Johnson’s amnesty were as follows:

1. Confederate Civil or diplomatic officials

2. Individuals who vacated judicial positions in the U.S. to aid the rebellion

3. Confederate Army officers above the rank of Colonel and Navy officers above the rank of Lieutenant

4. Individuals who left seat in the U.S. Congress to aid the rebellion

5. Individuals who resigned commissions in the U.S. Army or Navy and afterward served the rebellion

6. Individuals who treated black prisoners of war or their white officers unlawfully

7. Individuals who absented themselves from the U.S. in order to aid the rebellion

8. Confederate military personnel who were educated at the U.S. Military Academy or U.S. Naval Academy

9. Former Confederate Governors

10. Individuals who left home in the U.S. jurisdiction to aid the rebellion

11. Individuals who engaged in the destruction of U.S. commerce

12. Individuals in federal custody

13. Voluntary participants in the rebellion who held taxable property worth at least $20,000

14. Individuals who had broken the oath of allegiance issued on 8th December, 1863 (2)

Bridget Bolen's signature 'her mark' as it appears on her amnesty petition (Image via Footnote)

The U.S. Government received approximately 15,000 applications for amnesty between 29th May 1865 and 6th September 1867. Of these c. 13,500 of the petitions were successful. Clearly given the breadth of the fourteen exceptions and the numbers of people who eventually applied, many of those who fell within the terms of reference did not bother to petition the President for amnesty. Of the c. 15,000 received, Bradley R. Clampitt has identified that only some 389 were from women. The majority of these women applied for the amnesty under the thirteenth exception, namely those who held taxable property worth over $20,000. Their motivations for doing so appear to have been a fear that they would lose their property if they did not secure the amnesty. Bridget Bolen fell into this category, and it was to guard against the loss of property that she decided to petition the government. (3)

Bridget Bolen's petition for amnesty (Image via Footnote)

On the 7th August 1865 the Irishwoman had the following petition written, which was witnessed by E.B. Dull:

Staunton, Augusta County Virginia, Aug. 7th 1865

To the Hon James Speed

Attorney General of the U.S.

The petition of Bridget Bolin [sic]. Respectfully represents that she is a native of Cork, Ireland a citizen of Augusta County in the State of Va. where she has resided for the last 11 years. That she is in the 36^th year of her age, is the owner of land and has been as she is now, engaged in commercial pursuits, during the war. That she is not a slave owner; will never again use slave labor or recognise the Institution of Slavery in the U.S. That her participation in the late rebellion consisted only in the past of taxes and contraction of supplies for the army levied under the authority of the so called Confederate States Govt. That her property may or may not be worth $20,000 but whether more or less no proceedings have been instituted against her by the U.S. authorities for its confiscation. That she has taken and subscribed the annexed oath of Amnesty, and as a legal citizen of the U.S. intends to keep the home in good faith. She therefore coming, probably, within the 13^th exception of the President’s Proclamation of the 19^th May last, prays for special pardon on the terms and conditions prescribed.

Her mark: Bridget Bolen

Witness

E.B. Dull (4)

Bridget Bolen's signed Amnesty Oath (Image via Footnote)

Bolen’s petition was accompanied by a signed amnesty oath which was witnessed by William A. Burnett, a notary public. As with the majority of women who applied for amnesty under the thirteenth exception, Bridget Bolen’s petition was successful, and she was pardoned on 16th August, 1865. (5)

Many intriguing questions about the Corkwoman’s life remain. Did she leave Cork as an already wealthy woman, or did she marry into or acquire her money in Virginia? What was the nature of her wealth? What activities was she engaged in during and after the war? Given her claim that she had resided in Augusta County for 11 years it should be possible to identify her on the 1860 census, although no Bridget Bolen appears. Perhaps Bolen was a married name adopted post 1860- two other Irishwomen named Bridget of the right age do appear on the census for the county, namely Bridget Miligan and Bridget Cochran, and she may be one of these women. There is much research yet to do to find out more about Bridget Bolen and her circumstances; a woman of such means is unlikely to be absent from contemporary local newspapers, for example. It is to be hoped that more can be discovered that will facilitate a follow up post on her in the near future.

(1) Clampitt 2010: 327, Footnote: Confederate Amnesty Petitions; (2) Clampitt 2010: 327; (3) Clampitt 2010: 325-329; (4) Footnote: Confederate Amnesty Petitions; (5) ibid;

References

Clampitt, Bradley R. 2010. ‘”Not intended to dispossess females”: Southern Women and Civil War Amnesty’ in Civil War History, Volume 56, Number 4, pp. 325- 349

Footnote Confederate Amnesty Papers (subscription required)

Brigadier-General Thomas Sweeny, Union Army of the Tennessee (Library of Congress)

William T. Sherman’s advance towards Atlanta had commenced early in the month of May, with the combined Union forces (consisting of the Army of the Cumberland, Army of the Tennessee and Army of the Ohio) taking on Joseph E. Johnston’s Confederate Army of Tennessee. By mid month actions such as those at Resaca, together with Sherman’s flanking movements, had forced the Confederates back. As both sides continued to manoeuvre for position, Union Brigadier-General Thomas W. Sweeny found that his division of the Army of the Tennessee was in close proximity to that of Confederate Major-General Patrick R. Cleburne. Both Sweeny and Cleburne were Irishmen, and indeed both originally hailed from the same county, Cork. Not only was Sweeny a Federal division commander, he was also a dedicated Fenian. He decided to take this opportunity to communicate with his fellow General, as described by Buck:

‘In this affair the opposing force to Cleburne was the division of that gallant one-armed Irishman, General Thos. W. Sweeny, who later, by flag of truce, sent a message to Cleburne that after the war was over they both would raise a Fenian army and liberate Ireland. Cleburne’s answer was that after this war was closed he thought both would have had fighting enough to satisfy them for the rest of their lives.’ (1)

Major-General Patrick Cleburne, Confederate Army of Tennessee (Library of Congress)

Although communications between opposing officers across the lines was not uncommon during the war, this incident and the message sent highlights the dual allegiance felt by many Irishmen. Cleburne would not get the opportunity to become involved with a Fenian Army even if he had wanted to; he was killed at the Battle of Franklin, Tennessee on 30th November 1864. Sweeny, who had lost his arm at the Battle of Churubusco during the Mexican War, would go on to become embroiled in controversy as the campaign intensified around Atlanta. A career officer, he was not enamoured with his Corps Commander Major-General Grenville M. Dodge, who was a political general, and whom Sweeny thought inept. On 25th July 1864 an argument erupted between them where the Irishman cursed his commanding officer and called him a liar. Dodge slapped him in the face and Sweeny returned the blow. Brigadier-General John W. Fuller was also present and when he intervened, both he and the fiery Irishman ended up exchanging blows while rolling around the tent floor. Sweeny was court-martialled, and though acquitted he did not serve in the field again during the conflict. The Corkman did get his wish of striking a blow against the British after the war, overseeing the ill-fated Fenian Invasion of Canada in 1866. Although he was arrested by U.S. authorities for his part in this, he was later released. Thomas Sweeny retired from the U.S. Army in 1870 and died in New York on 10th April 1892, where he is buried in Greenwood Cemetery, Brooklyn. (2)

(1) Buck 1908: 213; (2) Morgan 2005: 102-103, 152

References & Further Reading

Buck, Irving Ashby 1959 (First Published 1908). Cleburne and His Command and Hay, Thomas Robson Pat Cleburne: Stonewall Jackson of the West

Morgan, Jack 2005. Through American and Irish Wars: The Life and Times of General Thomas W. Sweeny 1820- 1892

Patrick Cleburne’s Grave, Helena, Arkansas

Thomas Sweeny’s Grave, Brooklyn, New York

The Battle of Corinth (Second Day) by Currier & Ives

Dennis Murphy joined the ranks of the 14th Wisconsin on 13th September 1861. He had been born in Ireland in 1830 but lived in Green Bay prior to the war, electing to serve with Company F of the regiment, the ‘De Pere Rifles’. By the time October 1862 arrived Murphy had already borne witness to the carnage of the Battle of Shiloh, and now carried his regiment’s national color. He knew what he could expect when Major-General Earl Van Dorn’s Confederate Army of West Tennessee prepared to attack Union positions around the town of Corinth. (1)

On the morning of 3rd October Major-General William S. Rosecrans ordered three of his divisions to advance out of Corinth and occupy old Confederate rifle pits to the north and north-west of the town. Amongst them was the 14th Wisconsin, part of Colonel John M. Oliver’s 2nd Brigade of Brigadier-General Thomas J. McKean’s 6th Division. McKean’s men were holding the left of the line when at 10am Major-General Mansfield Lovell’s Rebels smashed into the Union positions.

As wave after wave of Confederates surged forward, the 14th Wisconsin under Colonel John Hancock were positioned in the old rifle pits atop a hill, with Companies E and K thrown forward as skirmishers. Sergeant Murphy declared his intent at the start of the fight to ‘come out a dead sergeant or a live lieutenant.’ As Caruthers’ Mississippi Sharpshooter Battalion attacked up the hill the advanced companies pulled back and with their comrades unleashed a devastating fire that sent the Rebels reeling backwards. Another attack surged forward with the reformed sharpshooters joining the 22nd Mississippi. This time the Confederates got to within a few yards of the Union line and the two lines began to exchange fire. Suddenly at this critical juncture in the battle the 15th Michigan to the Wisconsinites’ right gave way in the face of pressure from the 1st Missouri and 33rd Mississippi. This left Sergeant Murphy and his comrades facing a withering crossfire and potentially complete destruction. As men began to fall left and right, the entire color guard became casualties. In the terrible hand to hand combat that ensued, the man carrying the regimental colors was bayoneted and the flag almost lost. Denis Murphy was hit again and again but somehow managed to hold onto the national color, covering the flag in his own blood. Eventually the 14th had no option but to withdraw, although it was too late for some of their number who were captured. (2)

The 14th Wisconsin had taken heavy casualties and although briefly called on later in the day they were effectively shattered. Their brigade commander remarked of their performance at Corinth: ‘Though suffering more loss than any regiment in the command, they maintained their lines and delivered their fire with all the coolness and precision which could have been maintained upon drill.’ Dennis Murphy had been wounded three times, but he did receive his commission. He was discharged due to disability on 13th November 1862 and later rewarded with a lieutenancy in Company B of the 24th Wisconsin. He paid a heavy price, however; Dennis was to be crippled for life as a result of the wounds he sustained at Corinth. (3)

Almost thirty years after the battle, on 22nd January 1892, Dennis J.F. Murphy was awarded the Medal of Honor. His citation simply reads ‘Although wounded three times, carried the colors throughout the conflict.’ He died on 19th June 1901 and is buried in Allouez Cemetery, Green Bay. The national color that he held aloft in October 1862 survived the war, and is now preserved in the Wisconsin Veterans Museum in Madison. (4)

*Dennis Murphy should be known as Denis- the extra ‘n’ was due to an error in his military records. Many thanks to the Sergeant’s descendant Michael Lee for this information.

(1) Roster 1886: 789; (2) Cozzens 1997: 168-171; (3) Official Records: 356, Cozzens 1997: 170-171; (4) Broadwater 2007: 145

References & Further Reading

Broadwater, Robert P. 2007. Civil War Medal of Honor Recipients: A Complete Illustrated Record

Cozzens, Peter 1997. The Darkest Days of the War: The Battles of Iuka and Corinth

Official Records Series 1, Volume 17 (Part 1), Chapter 29. Report of Colonel John M. Oliver, Fifteenth Michigan Infantry, commanding Second Brigade, including operations October 3-11

Wisconsin Adjutant General’s Office 1886. Roster of Wisconsin Volunteers, War of the Rebellion, 1861- 1865, Volume 1

Civil War Trust Battle of Corinth Page

Congressional Medal of Honor Society

Corinth Civil War Interpretive Centre

National Color of the 14th Wisconsin

Major-General Patrick Ronayne Cleburne

The Confederate assault against the Union centre at the Battle of Gettysburg, ‘Pickett’s Charge’, has become the iconic symbol of a desperate but futile Southern effort to break their enemy’s line. However, the Confederate assault by the Army of Tennessee at Franklin was both larger and bloodier. The heaviest of the fighting took place in a period of two hours, with the general engagement lasting some five hours. When the battle ended, at least 8,500 Union and Confederate soldiers were casualties (3). The unimaginable carnage effectively destroyed the Army of Tennessee; apart from the colossal casualties experienced amongst the rank and file, no less than six Confederate Generals were killed or mortally wounded. Amongst them was Corkman Patrick Cleburne, the most highly regarded Division commander in the army and the highest ranking Irishman in the Confederacy.

But what of Cleburne’s final moments? Captain Buck, who was absent from Franklin due to wounds received at Jonesboro in September 1864, was eager to ascertain the particulars of Cleburne’s death in so far as was possible. He corresponded with members of the Army of Tennessee present at Franklin and also collected as much published information as he could relating to his old commander’s demise. The results of his research were published as part of his 1908 book Cleburne and his Command. His correspondence with Brigadier-General Govan added further detail with regard to Cleburne’s movements:

‘After receiving his final orders we were directed to advance, which was about 2 o’clock in the afternoon. We had to advance across an old open common, subjected to the heavy fire of the Federal forces. We met the enemy in a short space of time and carried the first line commanded by General Wagner [this force had foolishly been holding a position well in advance of the main Union line]. When that line was broken, General Cleburne’s object seemed to be to run into the rear line with the fleeing Federal’s from Wagner’s division. About that time General Cleburne’s horse was killed. His courier brought him another, and as he was in the act of mounting, this horse was killed. He then disappeared in the smoke of battle, and that was the last time I ever saw him alive. I spoke to his aide-de-camp, Mangum, and told him I was sure the General would be killed, as I did not see how he could escape with his life under such terrific fire, and as he never again appeared in the lines, confirmed my opinion that he was dead’ (4).

Cleburne Park, Franklin, Tennessee. The site where Patrick Cleburne was killed, exceptional efforts led to the restoration of this part of the battlefield, formerly the site of a Pizza Hut

General Govan had also corresponded with Captain Dinkins for an article in the New Orleans Picayune where he added further detail to Cleburne’s experience at Franklin. When Cleburne’s first horse was killed under him Govan was nearby, and he noted that the mortally wounded animal’s momentum carried the horse and rider nearly to the ditch on the outside of the Federal entrenchments. The second horse was struck by a cannonball from the direction of the Cotton Gin while Cleburne was in the act of mounting. At this point the Irishman moved forward towards the enemy works on foot, waving his cap and encouraging his men to advance. According to Govan Cleburne’s body was eventually found some twenty yards from where he had last seen him. Another officer to comment on Cleburne’s whereabouts was C.W. Frazer who had served in Cleburne’s Division up to the Battle of Murfreesboro, and who wrote a history of the 5th Confederate Regiment after the war. This unit was principally made up of Irishmen from Memphis, and Frazer maintained that the General sought out the Regiment at Franklin, ‘charged in with it, and died with it’ (5).

The following morning the death of Patrick Cleburne was confirmed. Mr. John McQuade of Vicksburg, Mississippi takes up the story: ‘I and two others were the first to discover his dead body at early dawn the next morning. He was about 40 or 50 yards from the works. He lay flat upon his back as if asleep, his military cap partly over his eyes. He had on a new gray uniform, the coat of the sack or blouse pattern. It was unbuttoned and open; the lower part of his vest was unbuttoned and open. He wore a white linen shirt, which was stained with blood on the front part of the left side, or just left of the abdomen. This was the only sign of a wound I saw on him, and I believe it is the only one he had received. I have always been inclined to think that feeling the end was near, he had thus laid himself down to die, or that his body had been carried there during the night. He was in his sock feet, his boots having been stolen. His watch, sword belt and other valuables were all gone, his body having been robbed during the night’ (6). McQuade approached an ambulance picking up wounded men and dead officers under the charge of Reverend Thomas Markham. Cleburne’s body was placed beside that of Brigadier-General John Adams and taken to the McGavock residence at the nearby Carnton Plantation. There Generals Cleburne, Adams, Strahl and Granbury would lie side by side on the porch prior to their burial. Earlier in the year Cleburne had become engaged to Susan Tarleton of Mobile, Alabama. On 5th December 1864 Susan was walking in the garden in Mobile where she and Patrick had become engaged. A boy on the street selling papers shouted out the days headline ‘Reports from Tennessee! Cleburne and other Generals killed’. She promptly fainted (7).

Major-General Patrick Ronanyne Cleburne was initially interred at Rose Hill near Franklin. His body was moved to St. John’s Church, Ashwood, Tennessee thereafter; Cleburne had passed the cemetery a few days earlier during the advance into Tennessee and had remarked that it was ‘almost worth dying for, to be buried in such a beautiful spot’ (8). In 1870 he would be moved once again, this time returning to his adopted State in Arkansas, where he remains in Maple Hill Cemetery, Helena.

The impact of the death of Major-General Patrick Cleburne was keenly felt. No less a personage than Robert E. Lee described him as ‘A meteor shining from a clouded sky’. The memory of the Irishman remains strong in the United States today. He has had locations named for him in Alabama, Arkansas and Texas, a Confederate Cemetery named after him in Georgia, been the subject of a number of books, has had a society set up in his honour, a statue erected at the scene of perhaps his greatest victory in Ringgold, Georgia, and a park created at the scene of his death in Franklin. In stark contrast, he remains virtually unheard of in his native country, a situation which it is hoped can be altered in the not too distant future.

(1) Buck 1959: 290-1; (2) Ibid: 282-3; (3) Jacobsen 2006: 440; (4) Buck 1959: 291; (5) Frazer 1886: 151; (6) Buck 1959: 292; (7) Joslyn 2000:184; (8) Buck 1959: 280

References & Further Reading

Buck, Irving Ashby 1959 (First Published 1908). Cleburne and His Command and Hay, Thomas Robson Pat Cleburne: Stonewall Jackson of the West

Frazer, C.W. 1886. ‘Fifth Confederate’ in Lindsley, John Berrien (ed.) The Military Annals of Tennessee

Jacobsen, Eric A. 2006. For Cause and For Country: A Study of the Affair at Spring Hill and the Battle of Franklin

Joslyn, Mauriel Phillips 2000. ‘Epilogue’ in Joslyn, Mauriel Phillips (ed.) A Meteor Shining Brightly: Essays on Major General Patrick R. Cleburne

Battle of Franklin Blog

Civil War Preservation Trust Patrick Cleburne Page

Franklin’s Charge

Save the Franklin Battlefield

The Patrick Cleburne Society