Although perhaps not an especially frequent occurrence during the American Civil War, the birth of children to camp follower’s had been commonplace in armies such as those the Britain and France in the 18th and 19th centuries. The children were described as ‘born to the regiment’ (‘né au régiment’ in French) and they often went on to serve in the formations into which they were born. In the majority of cases the fathers of these children were professional soldiers, who could expect to spend much of their lives on campaign or fulfilling garrison duties in far-flung parts of the world. John Dooley ‘s case was somewhat different. As a citizen soldier who had recently volunteered, he and his wife made a conscious decision for her to follow him to the front.

John Dooley formed part of Company K, which had been raised around Pulaski, New York. The 24 year-old had enlisted on 25th May 1861 and been mustered in on 7th June, when his wife was already a number of months pregnant. It is not clear if Dooley’s wife left New York with the regiment in late June 1861 or if she joined up with John in camp later. Clearly they felt that they should stay together- perhaps it was a matter of financial necessity, or a wish not to be separated. Whatever the reasons, the occasion of the birth that September was a special occasion and as such was reported to the New York Irish-American:

THE CHILD OF THE REGIMENT

A few nights ago, we had a birth in the 37th, the wife of Private Dooley, of Co. K, bringing him an heir, which the officers forthwith adopted as their protégé, to be the future “child of the regiment”. He was baptised on Sunday, the 15th, by Father Tissot, Col. Burke and Mrs. Lieutenant Barry standing sponsors in behalf of the regiment. As soon as pay-day comes, it is proposed to contribute a handsome sum, which is to be deposited in bank there to accumulate to the credit of the child when he comes of age. Already has been received several presents of clothing, &c., from kind ladies in Washington and the President is expected to contribute his mite, also, towards his namesake, Abraham Lincoln Dooley. (1)

Baby names was perhaps one of the more unlikely arenas where Abraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis fought it out (New York Historical Society)

Luckily for the family John survived the war and mustered out with the 37th New York in June 1863. He claimed a pension from 1881 and following his death a widow’s pension was paid out to his wife. The family have otherwise proven elusive , and I have as yet found no further details of their post-war life. (2)

The enthusiastic naming of the Dooley’s boy as ‘Abraham Lincoln’ raises the question as to just how common it was during the feverish days of 1861 to name a child for the Northern (or indeed Southern) President. In an effort to get some idea of the prevalence of this practice I decided to examine the 1870 US Federal Census. My aim was to ascertain how many children estimated as being born around 1861 had been christened ‘Abraham’, ‘Abe’ or had ‘Lincoln’ as part of their christian name. Similarly I repeated the search using the same data for ‘Jefferson’, ‘Jeff’ and those who had ‘Davis’ as part of their christian name.

The results are presented in the tables below. They naturally have to be treated with caution, as they do not allow for alternate spellings (e.g. ‘Abram’ or ‘Jeferson’), nor do they include those who were only recorded by initial, or indeed those who had previously died. Neither can it discriminate between those who were named for reasons other than to honour Lincoln and Davis, e.g. as part of family tradition. Therefore the numbers are not absolute, and there is some potential crossover of individuals (notably with regard to the ‘Lincoln’ and ‘Davis’ elements). Nevertheless taken in a general sense it is an interesting reminder of how many people chose to make a marked and permanent statement about just whose side they were on in 1861.

Table 1. 1870 US Federal Census Data for ‘Abraham’, ‘Abe’, ‘Lincoln’ (Ancestry.com)

Table 2. 1870 US Federal Census Data for ‘Jefferson’, ‘Jeff’, ‘Davis’ (Ancestry.com) (3)

That these names increased in popularity as a result of the two men ascending to political power is clear. As a comparative there were 486 children named ‘Abraham’ and 284 named ‘Jefferson’ who were born in c.1851, providing an indication of these name’s pre-war popularity. The fact that thousands of children were named for these men is testament to the strong feelings on both sides at the time. These figures suggests that in the naming stakes at least, Jefferson Davis may have had one over on Abraham Lincoln in the war’s early days. (4)

One individual not represented in these figures is Abraham Lincoln Dooley, as I have been unable to locate him on the 1870 Federal Census, or indeed find any further reference to him beyond the New York Irish-American. Perhaps he chose not to be defined by the name of the sixteenth President, and went by another name in later years. It is also possible that like so many others in this period he did not survive beyond childhood. Hopefully some further information will emerge that will reveal his ultimate fate.

(1) New York Irish American 1861; New York AG Report 1893: 613; (2) John Dooley Pension Index Card; (3) 1870 Federal Census; (4) 1860 Federal Census;

*I am extremely grateful to friend Mark Dunkelman, historian of the 154th New York Infantry, for bringing this account to my attention. Mark has written some exceptional books on different aspects of the 154th’s history and memory- you can find more at his site here.

References & Further Reading

New York Irish-American 28th September 1861. The “Irish Rifles,” 37th Regiment, N.Y. Volunteers

New York A.G. 1893. Annual Report of the Adjutant General of the State of New York for the Year 1893.

John Dooley Pension Index Card. Application No. 431707, 24th October 1881.

1860 US Federal Census (Ancestry.com)

1870 U.S. Federal Census (Ancestry.com)

Patrick’s story began in Co. Clare in 1840, when his mother Mary Higgins married Patrick O’Dea. The couple had at least two sons, of which Patrick was apparently the younger. When the children were still young the family emigrated to America, settling in New York state. It was while living in Cuba, Allegany County, that Mary became widowed for the first time- Patrick senior passed away in December 1850. By that stage another child had come along, and with three young dependents Mary could not afford to remain a widow for long. In April 1851 she married Michael Foran, and with renewed stability the family moved to Salamanca in Cattaraugus. (2)

July 1854 brought renewed heartache, as it was the month when Michael Foran died. Mary once again found herself a widow, now the mother of four living children. She was left with no assets, and so had to try to eke out a living as best she could, relying on her older children to help her along. She could count on some family support- her brother Martin Higgins also lived in the area, providing comforting links to her former life in Co. Clare. As the 1850s continued Mary’s older son married and moved away, and with a family of his own was unable to provide any financial assistance to Mary. It now fell to young Patrick to help his mother and two younger siblings financially. (3)

Together Mary and her son Patrick managed to bring in enough money to maintain a modest farm holding of seven acres. To supplement the agricultural income, Patrick became a work-hand at Hemlock Mills lumber works, passing the majority of his wages to his mother to help with the running of the household. At least financially, little altered when Patrick went to war. He continued to send the majority of his soldier’s wage home to his mother, posting over $100 to New York between his enlistment in 1861 and 1863. While in winter camp in Virginia in 1863, Patrick made sure not to forget his mother or his 13 year-old and ten-year old siblings. That January he wrote to them, enclosing $20, and telling his mother that he was keeping $6 for himself that he felt would ‘do him’ until he was discharged. (4)

Patrick O’Dea wrote to his mother from a camp such as this in January 1863 (Winter Camp of the 16th Michigan, 1863 by Edwin Forbes, Library of Congress)

On 1st March 1863 Thomas C. Twohey of the 37th New York sat down to write a letter to the New York Irish-American newspaper:

Camp 37th Irish Rifles, VA.,

March 1, 1863.

To the editors of the Irish-American.

I send you the annexed record of a disaster which I consider necessary, though painful, to communicate through your columns, in the hope of its reaching the interested in general, and especially the beloved mother of its subject. Patrick O’Dea, a native of Ireland, and a member of Co. I, 37th N.Y.C., was accidentally killed by the falling of a tree, while in the discharge of his daily duty at ten a.m., on Saturday, February 28. He was the only son of a widow woman who resides in Salamanca, Cattaraugus county, N.Y. He was attached to the pioneer corps on February 8, or thereabouts, and was remarkable for his courage and endurance as a soldier, as well as for his pleasantry and sociability as a companion. He was 21 years of age and joined the regiment when first organized. He was wounded in the arm before Richmond [Seven Pines] in which campaign he displayed all the qualities that a thorough soldier should possess. He was buried with due military honors at Sunday at one p.m.

Thomas C. Twohey, Co. Clerk.

In a few days Captain Wm. Bird will forward to the War Department the final statement of the pay and clothing account of the deceased. There are four months pay due to him up to his death, $52. The Brigade was on picket duty when the sad accident happened.

T. (5)

Patrick’s death was a huge emotional and financial blow to Mary. Either through the notification in the Irish-American or other means she soon learned of her son’s death, crushed by a falling tree at Camp Pitcher only three months before he was due to return home. Together she and Patrick had built a farm worth $250, but they had still not paid off all the money on their seven acres, and Mary lived in what was described by those who knew her as a ‘shanty.’ She now had to prove her connection to her boy in order to secure the pension that could mean the difference between destitution and survival for her and the two young children. As her first marriage had been in Co. Clare, she had no certification to provide as evidence. Instead she relied on witnesses to come forward and attest to her marriage to Patrick’s father, and the key role Patrick had played in supporting his mother. She eventually secured an $8 a month pension. It can have offered little consolation for the devastation that the war had heaped upon her family, just one more heartbreaking story among the thousands created by the American Civil War. (6)

(1) AG Report: 723, Widow’s Pension; (2) Widow’s Pension; (3) Widow’s Pension; (4) Widow’s Pension; (5) New York Irish American, AG Report: 723; (6) Widow’s Pension.

References

New York A.G. 1893. Annual Report of the Adjutant General of the State of New York for the Year 1893.

New York Irish-American 21st March 1863. To the Editors of the Irish-American.

Patrick O’Dea Widow’s Pension File WC92882.

Battle of Williamsburg, 5th May 1862 (Kurz and Allison, 1893)

Patrick’s grieving mother wrote to the commanding officer of the regiment, Colonel Hayman, five days after the battle. She sought information on her son’s death and the fate of his remains. His beautifully written response of 13th May must have moved her greatly, as she submitted it to the New York Irish-American for publication:

Dear Madam,

I am just in receipt of yours of the 10th inst. Your son, Lieutenant P.H. Hayes, was buried near the road leading to Williamsburg, and his grave is carefully marked, so that his remains can, at some future time, be removed, but at present it would be impossible. I endeavored to purchase a metalic coffin in Williamsburg, but none could be had there. I am now moving to the front, but I shall do all in my power to further your wishes in regard to the remains of your son. Allow me to mingle my tears with yours, for while you have lost your only son, my regiment has been thereby deprived of one of its most gallant officers, whose name will be revered by all who knew him, and who fell while leading his men in the thickest of the fight. The gallantry of Lieutenant Hayes and the brave men who fell with him, of the 37th, together with the noble conduct of the 5th Michigan, turned the tide of battle, and his name should form a bright page in our country’s history.

That God may sustain you in your sore bereavement is the ardent desire of yours truly,

S. B. HAYMAN 

Colonel, 37th Regt., N.Y.V. (2)

Patrick Hayes had emigrated to New York from his home in Killarney, Co. Kerry with his parents when he was eight years old. On joining the 37th New York at the outbreak of war he expressed a desire that ‘some good for Ireland would arise out of it’. As the quote suggests, Hayes was a Fenian, and prior the war he had been a First Lieutenant in Welpley’s Company of the Phoenix Brigade, an organisation aimed at training Fenian soldiers. Just before his death Patrick had written to his mother, telling her that he was prepared for anything that might happen to him, having complied with all the duties of his religion and being resigned to whatever fate awaited him. Unfortunately for Patrick’s wife Dorcas and daughter Ellen, that fate had been death. (3)

Dorcas Monaghan and Patrick Hayes had been friends since childhood, and following the blossoming of their relationship they married in St. Mary’s Church, New York on 15th May 1859. Their daughter, Ellen, was born on the 14th July the following year, and baptised on 22nd July at St. Jame’s Church in the city. Now, less than three years after their marriage, 22-year-old Dorcas found herself a widow with a child under the age of two. She made steps to apply for a pension to support herself and her daughter, who were then living at 69 Oliver Street in New York. In June 1863 she was eventually granted $17 per month, backdated to the time of her husband’s death. However, there were to be many more twists and turns in the pension saga of Dorcas and Ellen. (4)

The 1859 Marriage Certificate of Patrick Hayes and Dorcas Monaghan

Dorcas Hayes’s pension was terminated dating from the end of 1865. The reason for this had its roots a few months before, when Dorcas met English-born John Marshall; they married on 31st December of that year, and her entitlement to a pension ended with the union. The name that was entered on the marriage certificate was destined to have unfortunate consequences for Dorcas on a number of occasions over the next 40 years. (5)

The immediate future saw the emergence of another claimant for the pension, one Bridget Kelly. In 1869 Bridget applied for a pension on behalf of Patrick’s then eight year old daughter Ellen, whom she had become the legal guardian of that year. The 30-year-old had been present at Ellen’s baptism, and knew Dorcas well. She became guardian under an 1862 Act which entitled minors to claim the pension in circumstances such as these (in this case the re-marriage of Dorcas). The claim was complicated by the fact that when Dorcas remarried, the certificate used her maiden name ‘Monaghan’, rather than her married name ‘Hayes’; now that she was Dorcas Marshall she had to try and prove that she was one in the same person as Dorcas Hayes. Deponents stepped forward to swear to the fact that they had known her most of her life, and that she was in fact the widow of Patrick and mother of Ellen. The application eventually succeeded, and in 1872 a minors pension of $15 per month was approved, increased to $17 the next year. The pension was paid until 1876, when Ellen turned 16. (6)

The Marriage Certificate of Dorcas Monaghan and John Marshall, 1865. The use of her maiden name, 'Monaghan' rather than her married name 'Hayes' would cause Dorcas difficulty in years to come.

The family next appears in the 1880 census, living in Queens. John Marshall was at this juncture working as a Dock Master, and he and Dorcas had three children, Clarence (7), Dorcas (5) and George (2). Ellen was also living with the family, recorded as ‘Ella’ on the census document. Their fate over the next twenty years is unclear, until they re-emerge in early years of the twentieth century. John Marshall, by now working as a laborer, fell ill on 9th April 1902, suffering from myocarditis. He was admitted to the City Hospital, where he died eight days later on 17th April. Dorcas was at this time living at 744 Dean Street in Brooklyn. Facing into old age, the Irishwoman found herself struggling financially. She had little option but to turn once again towards the service of her first love, now dead some 40 years, in hope of support. (7)

In 1904 Dorcas applied for the reinstatement of her initial pension entitlements based on Patrick’s death, but was once again faced with difficulties resulting from the use of her maiden name on her 1865 marriage certificate with John Marshall. She explained that at the time of her second marriage the priest had been informed she was the widow of Patrick Hayes, but ‘through some inadvertence or mistake the name was omitted and the name of Monaghan only retained.’ She once again had to produce witnesses to testify that she was originally married to Patrick, and additionally was asked to show that her second husband John had not served in the war. This was to be no easy task, particularly as Dorcas could find no-one who was well acquainted with John Marshall prior to 1865. (8)

Dorcas once again surmounted the difficulties she faced, and the pension application was eventually successful. She again received the $17 a month that had first been granted in 1863. What became of Dorcas and Patrick’s daughter Ellen becomes unclear after 1880, although it is possible that she died, still unmarried, when in her thirties. As the fiftieth anniversary of the young mans death loomed, the wartime service of Patrick Hayes in the American Civil War was still providing for his now elderly wife. The pension was last paid to Dorcas on 7th February 1910. Almost 48 years after the Kerryman had fallen at Williamsburg the payments ceased; the reason Dorcas no longer needed it was explained in the file as follows: ‘Reported death. Date not given.’ (9)

The 1911 document which closes the Patrick Hayes pension claims

(1) New York State Military Museum; (2) Irish American 24th May 1862; (3) Irish American 24th May 1862, Kane 2002: 104, 135; (4) Civil War Widows Pension WC3561; (5) Civil War Widows Pension WC3561; (6) Civil War Widows Pension WC3561; (7) 1880 Census, Civil War Widows Pension WC3561; (8) Civil War Widows Pension WC3561; (9) Civil War Widows Pension WC3561;

References & Further Reading

Civil War Widows Pension File WC3561: Patrick Henry Hayes

Kane, Michael H. 2002. ‘American Soldiers in Ireland, 1865-67′ in The Irish Sword: The Journal of the Military History Society of Ireland, Vol. 23, No. 91, pp. 103-140

New York Irish American: 24th May 1862

New York State Military Museum: 37th Regiment New York Volunteers Civil War Newspaper Clippings: ‘Obituary: Lieutenant Patrick Henry Hayes, Thirty-Seventh Regiment New York Volunteers’

1880 United States Census

Civil War Trust Battle of Williamsburg Page

Thomas Fallon began his service during the 1861 campaign that led to the first Battle of Bull Run. However it was to be in the Peninsula the following year that he first marked himself out as a soldier of note. He fought on the skirmish line at the Battle of Williamsburg on 5th May 1862, an action for which he would eventually be awarded the Medal of Honor. A 1905 issue of the Freehold Transcript reported that the reason for his citation was that the Irishman was one of ten men sent forward in a skirmish line, only four of whom made it back. Major-General Philip Kearney witnessed the event and made sure the men’s names were taken so their bravery could be recorded. (2)

It is difficult to know if Fallon’s actions at Williamsburg alone would have led to the bestowal of the Medal of Honor, but as the war progressed he would time and again demonstrate bravery above and beyond the call of duty. At the Battle of Fair Oaks on 31st May 1862 he was on the sick list, but insisted on joining his regiment to take part in the fighting. General Kearney clearly thought highly of the Galwegian, as he sent him out to spy on the movements of Confederate artillery at Charles City Crossroads, following which his name was again recorded for meritorious conduct. (3)

Having fought with the ‘Irish Rifles’ during the Peninsula Campaign, Fallon embarked on a career as an artilleryman when he was transferred by order of General Kearny to Battery K of the 4th U.S. Artillery. He served through battles such as Second Bull Run and Fredericksburg with the unit, before being discharged at United States Ford on 1st May 1863 following the expiration of his term. Not content with his two year’s service, Fallon would delay only a few of months before re-entering the fray. (4)

The Irishman signed up to become a Sergeant in the 35th New Jersey Infantry on 17th September 1863, mustering in on 24th September. Rather than returning to the Eastern Theater of war, this time Thomas headed West as his regiment joined the Army of the Tennessee. Fighting through the Atlanta Campaign, Fallon once again proved his worth at Big Shanty, Georgia in June 1864. At this engagement he was ordered to lead the left wing of his company in a charge against Confederate works; he led the way as he and his men took one officer and 28 men prisoner. Thomas captured the officer himself, knocking the southerner down with his musket before dragging him out the Rebel defences. His meritorious conduct earned him a 30 day furlough, which the Irishman characteristically refused as he was eager to continue the campaign. (5)

Sgt. Thomas Fallon captures a Confederate Officer at Big Shanty, Georgia in 1864 (Story of American Heroism)

Thomas T. Fallon served on as Atlanta fell, and participated in the March to the Sea before his last engagement at Savannah in December 1864. In the end it was illness that brought a halt to his time in the frontline. He later remembered: ‘It was my last battle, and I was up to the neck in water in the Savannah canal. I was furloughed from the hospital at Savannah, May 6, 1865, and returned to my regiment at Crystal Springs, Washington D. C., June 9. Discharged from service of the United States, July 20, 1865, by reason of provision of Special Order No. 160.’ (6)

Thomas Fallon returned home to live in Freehold, New Jersey after the war. He spent his post war years working as a tailor, and married Mary Garrity, with whom he had a daughter. On 13th February 1891 his gallantry was acknowledged, when he was awarded his Medal of Honor. His citation read: ‘At Williamsburg, Va., assisted in driving rebel skirmishers to their main line. Participated in action, at Fair Oaks, Va., though excused from duty because of disability. In a charge with his company at Big Shanty, Ga., was the first man to the enemy’s works.’ (7)

He periodically resurfaces in papers such as the Red Bank Register during the post war years, offering tantalising glimpses of his later life: in April 1899 he was drawn to serve as a juror in the May term of court, while in July of the same year he was the victim of a crime, when ‘six fine heads of cabbage’ were stolen from his garden. His Civil War record remained newsworthy, as his attendance at a Medal of Honor Legion reunion in Brooklyn in 1900 was mentioned, and his martial exploits were recounted on the occasion of his 68th birthday in 1905. (8)

Thomas T. Fallon died at the age of 79 in August 1916. He is buried in Saint Rose of Lima Cemetery, Freehold, New Jersey, the town the Galwayman had called home for the majority of his life. His dedication to the Union cause during the war had remained a defining moment throughout his later years. He is reported to have said about his time in the army: I donned the blues in ’61, marched with the boys until ’65, which was the proudest act of my life.’ (9)

(1) Jones 1897: 114, Red Bank Register Wednesday August 16th 1905; (2) Jones 1897: 114, Tri-Town News December 29th 2005; (3) Jones 1897: 114-115; (4) Ibid: 115; (5) Ibid: 115; (6) Ibid: 115-116; (7) Broadwater 2007: 71, Congressional Medal of Honor Society; (8) Jones 1897: 115, Red Bank Register 12th April 1899, Red Bank Register 12th July 1899, Red Bank Register 12th September 1900, Red Bank Register 16th August 1905, Tri Town News December 29th 2005; (9) Red Bank Register 30th August 1916, Tri-Town News December 29th 2005;

References & Further Reading

Broadwater, Robert P. 2007. Civil War Medal of Honor Recipients

Congressional Medal of Honor Society

Jones, J. W. 1897. The Story of American Heroism: Thrilling Narratives of Personal Adventures During the Civil War

Red Bank Register 12th April 1899: ‘Petty Jurors: Men Who Will Decide Cases at the May Term of Court’

Red Bank Register 12th July 1899: ‘Petty Thieves at Freehold’  

Red Bank Register 12th September 1900: ‘In and Out of Town. Short and Interesting Items From All Over the County’

Red Bank Register 16th August 1905. ‘A Good War Record. It is Held by Thomas T. Fallon of Freehold’

Red Bank Register 30th August 1916: ‘Death of War Veteran. Holder of Medal for Bravery Dies at Freehold’

Tri-Town News 29th December 2005: ‘Immigrant Served with Honor during Civil War’

Civil War Trust Battle of Williamsburg Page

Thomas Timothy Fallon Find A Grave Record

Wanted Poster for Surratt, Booth and Herold (Image via Wikipedia)

The night of 14th April 1865 was one that Major James Rowan O’Beirne, Provost Marshal of the District of Columbia, would never forget. President Abraham Lincoln lay dying in William Petersen’s Boarding House, having been shot by John Wilkes Booth at Ford’s Theatre. Secretary of State William Seward had been stabbed in his own home, and Vice President Andrew Johnson had only escaped assault due to the loss of nerve of his would be assassin. O’Beirne was now given the responsibility of escorting the Vice President from his lodgings at the Kirkwood House to President Lincoln’s deathbed; this unenviable duty would prove to be only the first of many tasks he would undertake in the coming weeks.

Major James O’Beirne had seen his fair share of the war. As a Captain in the 37th New York Rifles, the Ballagh, Co. Roscommon native had been grievously wounded in the chest, head and right leg at the 1863 Battle of Chancellorsville. He somehow survived the ordeal and had risen to become a Major and the Provost Marshal of the District of Columbia.  Although no longer in the front line it was to be at this moment, with the war all but over, that he would receive his most important orders. On the 16th April, with the President dead, Secretary of War Edwin Stanton instructed O’Beirne that he was ‘relieved from all other duty at this time and directed to employ yourself and your detective force in the detection and arrest of the murderers of the President and the assassins who attempted to murder Mr. Seward’.

O’Beirne did not need to be asked twice. Indeed, he had already begun the work shortly after the President’s death. He returned to the Kirkwood House where he discovered the room of George Atzerodt, the man who had failed to attack the Vice President. There he discovered a revolver and ammunition, a bowie knife, a handkerchief belonging to David Herold (who had guided one of the conspirators to William Seward’s house) and a bank book belonging to one John Wilkes Booth. One of the key finds in the room was a map of lower Maryland- the hunt was on. O’Beirne kept a diary of events throughout the investigation.

Booth and Herold had escaped Washington together, and were now in Maryland. So was O’Beirne. He and his team went to the Surratt Tavern in Surrattsville where a lodger, John M. Lloyd, was arrested. Under questioning he revealed that Booth and Herold had stopped there on the night of the assassination. O’Beirne’s next stop was at the house of Dr. Samuel T. Mudd, where Booth, who had broken his leg during his escape was treated. O’Beirne recorded in his diary that Mudd had ‘Served more than two years in the rebel army. Is a black hearted man and possibly was a conspirator. See after him.’ The Irishman knew the assassins would attempt to cross the Potomac and enter Virginia. His diary records ‘Cob Neck is the whole section of land between the Potomac and Wicomico River. Pope’s Creek has been a crossing. The conspirators are there if they have not crossed over to the Virginia side, which examine into and follow up.‘ As the information mounted, he added ‘A boat passed over the river Sunday evening. Young Claggett can tell all about it…Mr. Wills tells me that old man Claggett had a conversation with the two men who went over the river on Sunday and that they said they were refugees from Virginia and had been working for two weeks for Mr. Dent. That they went over once and came back before they went away.’ Further details emerged that a man called Samuel Cox had been cooking provisions and taking them to people hiding in the nearby swamp; this was Booth and Herold. Cox’s foster brother, Thomas Jones, took the assassins to the river so they could row across to Virginia. They effected the crossing on Saturday 22nd April. O’Beirne was close- he wrote ‘send the men over to Mattox Creek and to work their way up and arrest Jones’. A further report recorded in his diary seemed to confirm that the crossing had now taken place: ‘Boy at Mrs. Lewis’s states to the detectives that the two men landing at White Point started off in the direction of King George’s Court House on Sunday after landing’.

O’Beirne was convinced that Booth and Herold had gone into Virginia, and he followed their trail into that State, discovering the boat they crossed in and keeping up the chase as far as Port Royal.  Here, with his men ‘tired out and leg weary’ he returned to Maryland for further orders. In the meantime another report came in that suggested the fugitives had not yet crossed the Potomac. Chief of the National Detective Police La Fayette C. Baker arrived at O’Beirne’s headquarters in Port Tobacco, Maryland where orders were issued for him to follow the lead in Virginia while O’Beirne continued the search in Maryland. It would be Baker and his force who would eventually surround Booth and Herold in Garrett’s Barn on the 26th April, prompting a confrontation in which Herold was captured and Booth mortally wounded. They would be remembered as the men who found Abraham Lincoln’s killer. Having led the chase for so long, it must have been difficult for Major O’Beirne not to be present when Booth was finally run to ground. Recognition in another form was to follow for James O’Beirne; he was breveted Brigadier-General in September 1865, and was later awarded the Medal of Honor for maintaining the line of battle until ordered to fall back at Fair Oaks, Virginia in 1862. However, the Roscommon man should also receive due recognition for the integral role he played in hunting down the most infamous murderer in American history- John Wilkes Booth.

References

Eicher John & Eicher David 2001. Civil War High Commands

New York Times December 7th 1930. A New Version of the Greatest Man Hunt: Major O’Beirne’s Diary, Recently Brought to Light, Describes the Difficulties of the Chase After Lincoln’s Assassination

Oldroyd, Osborn Hamiline & Harris, Thomas Mealey 1901. The Assassination of Abraham Lincoln; Flight, Pursuit, Capture, and Punishment of the Conspirators

Ford’s Theatre